Suchergebnisse

The monograph describes the history of the Polish diaspora in the Habsburg monarchy in the historical, institutional, legal, political, and organizational context. In the period of the Dual Monarchy (1867–1918), the Poles who lived under the Austro-Hungarian regime sought to influence the fate of their nation and state primarily through an active involvement in parliamentary life and state administration. The study of the social and political activity of the Poles in the Austrian partition reveals their political heritage, which influenced not only the Polish idea of patriotism but also the formation of the Polish political culture rooted in the European tradition of parliamentarism and constitutionalism.

Austro-Ugarska Monarhija, stvorena austrijsko-mađarskim kompromisom 1867. godine, bila je i za ondašnje pravnike neobična pojava, koja se nije uklapala u onodobnu državnopravnu tipologiju "složenih država". Bio je to rezultat stalnih sukobljavanja između austrijskih političkih krugova, koji su težili što jačoj integraciji pod habsburškim žezlom sjedinjenih entiteta s jedne strane, a s druge mađarskih političkih krugova, koji su težili što većoj, a neki i potpunoj državnoj samostalnosti Ugarske. Kako Ugarska nije smogla snage osnovati svoju nacionalnu banku (a koja bi tiskala i vlastite novčanice), to je Austrijska nacionalna banka 1878. postala Austro-ugarska banka, te je kao zajednička središnja banka imala skrbiti o zajedničkoj valuti, najprije austrijskoj forinti, a zatim austro-ugarskoj kruni, te tiskati zajedničke novčanice. Što zbog političkih razmimoilaženja, što zbog državnopravnih nejasnoća, zajedničke austrougarske novčanice bile su predmet sporova jer su im obje strane pridavale veliko simbolično značenje, a i po reakcijama javnosti vidljivo je koliko je važno bilo ovo pitanje. Kako bi predmet rada bio što razumljiviji, u uvodu je objašnjena problematika državnopravne prirode austro-ugarske državne sveze, a zatim su analizirane novčanice po kronološkom redu njihova puštanja u optjecaj (tri novčanice austrijskih forinti te devetnaest austro-ugarskih kruna). Ondje gdje je to bio slučaj opisane su katkad i burne reakcije javnosti kao pokazatelj političkih sukoba, koji su se javljali u Monarhiji, kojom je dominirao austrijsko-mađarski dualizam. ; Created by the Austro-Hungarian Compromise in 1867, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was an unusual construct even for the lawyers of that time, and did not fit into the then state-law typology of "complex states". It was the result of constant confrontations between Austrian political circles, which wanted to increase the integration of entities unified under the Habsburg crown, on the one hand, and on the other of Hungarian political circles, which aspired to the maximum, even to the complete state independence of Hungary. As Hungary did not have the strength to found its own national bank (which would issue its own banknotes), in 1878 the Austrian National Bank became the Austro- Hungarian Bank, and as the common central bank it was in charge of and issued the common currency, first the Austrian forint, and then the Austro-Hungarian krone. Partly because of political differences, partly because of constitutional vagueness, the common Austro-Hungarian banknotes were a subject of disputes because both sides gave them a great symbolical importance, and the reactions of the public show how important this issue was.

UIDB/04666/2020 UIDP/04666/2020 UID/HIS/04666/2019 DL 57/2016/CP1453/CT0034. ; The study of the presence of foreign communities in Lisbon during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is not yet properly studied, despite the undeniable key role they had in the development of the Lusitanian economy. The present contribution aims at reconstructing the path and the activity of Italian merchants in the Portuguese capital. The chosen chronological frame are the years of the Dual Monarchy (1580-1640). The objective is to present new research clues that may contribute to deepen political and social dynamics in a time that was deeply significant for the Portuguese Kingdom. O estudo da presença de comunidades estrangeiras em Lisboa nos séculos XVI e XVII não está ainda devidamente aprofundado, não obstante o inegável marco que estas tiveram no desenvolvimento da economia lusitana. O presente contributo visa reconstruir o percurso e a actividade de mercadores italianos na capital portuguesa tendo como balizas temporais os anos da Monarquia Dual (1580-1640) no intuito de apresentar novas pistas de investigação que possam contribuir para aprofundar dinâmicas políticas e sociais numa altura profundamente marcante para o Reino português. ; publishersversion ; published

This article examines the reporting record of the German military attaché in Vienna from 1906 to the outbreak of the First World War. The reporting provided Berlin with a steady flow of information on the weaknesses of Austria-Hungary's armed forces. These weaknesses stemmed from the character and structure of the Dual Monarchy, and were responsible for its chronically debilitated combat-effectiveness. The reporting contradicts claims of contemporary German memoirists, and the belief of historians since the war, that neither Austria's military weaknesses nor their underlying causes were known at the highest levels of the German military prior to the war.

Starting with Fraenkel's The Dual State (1941), based on the author's experience with the Nazi regime, this article examines to what extent the concept of the dual state can be applied to Italian Fascism. Elaborating on Carl Schmitts's concepts of mandatory & of absolute dictatorship, Fraenkel defines the dual state as an unifying complexity of structures & methods that combine normative & prerogative power. The dual state in Fascist Italy is an example, to almost the same degree, of emergency measures being undertaken to prepare the conditions necessary for the further development of a fascist revolution. This article, therefore, suggests that the concept of the dual state is more adequate for analyzing, ie, relations between the monarchy & Fascism from the "March on Rome" onward, than concepts such as "diarchy," which does not embrace the complex reality of the subordinated role of the king & of normative traditions represented by the statuto. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThe Alliance of 1879 with Germany was one of the truly fateful steps taken by the Austro-Hungarian monarchy in the forty years before its demise. The diplomatic and strategic ramifications of this momentous agreement have been discussed in the historical literature for decades, but its impact upon the monarchy's 21-million subjects of Slavic nationality or ethnicity has not.1 This omission can perhaps be explained by the relatively slight influence that Slavic leaders and their followers had upon the makers of the monarchy's foreign policy. Although the seven Slavic nationalities by 1910 constituted 47.2 percent of Austria-Hungary's population, they remained, as they had always been, complete outsiders on foreign policy. To them, as indeed to most subjects of the Emperor Franz Joseph, diplomatic matters and political events abroad were of slight concern, and even if not, information about them was modest among the general public. Still, if the international relationships of the monarchy conveyed little sense of immediacy, this vital function of the state administration ultimately affected the most humble of persons. The intent here is to examine the Dual Alliance not through the eyes of those who arranged and implemented it, but of those who were Slavic outsiders, and to see how the Alliance affected their loyalty and commitment to the monarchy.

This paper examines the policies of the Spanish monarchy in the island of Fernando Poo between 1820 and 1910, a period in which Fernando Poo suffered "peripherical" criminal actions which were deeply grounded in the depths of Iberian ecclesiastical sovereignty. This point of view finds a symmetry between the actions of the colonial government and those of Spain's occupational process during the 19th and 20th centuries. This correspondence is also very evident between the events of the Moka Valley (1904) and the uprising of Balachá (1910). In short, we aim to show that during the eighteen years that span from the Batete repression (1892) to the death of Ësáasi Eweera (1904) and of bötúkku Lubbà (1910), the policies of hostility and deliberate harm to the life conditions of the Bubis were crimes against the Ius Gentium and were framed within the depths of Spanish sovereignty. ; El interés de esta monografía es interrogarnos acerca de la políticade la Monarquía española en la Isla de Fernando Poo entre 1892 y 1910; lapso en el que se desarrolló en Fernando Poo una actuación criminal "periférica" estrechamente varada en los arcanos de la soberanía monacal ibérica. Esta perspectiva conduce a la simetría entrelos actos del Gobierno colonial y los designios del proceso ocupacional de la España del S.XIX y XX. Correspondencia de igual forma palmaria entre los acontecimientos del valle de Moka (1904) y el levantamiento de Balachá (1910). Resumiendo: poner de manifiesto que a lo largo de los dieciocho años que cubren los estragos de Batete (1892), la muerte de Ësáasi Eweera (1904) y la del bötúkku Lubbà (1910), las políticas de hostilidad y daño deliberado a las condiciones de vida bubi fueron crímenes contra el derecho de gentes y se enmarcaban en los arcanos de soberanía españoles.