Scandinavian Economic Agreement
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 25, Heft 1, S. 118-118
ISSN: 2161-7953
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In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 25, Heft 1, S. 118-118
ISSN: 2161-7953
In: American journal of international law, Band 42, S. 611-620
ISSN: 0002-9300
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 611-620
ISSN: 2161-7953
In: Problems of economic transition, Band 35, Heft 3, S. 77-77
ISSN: 1557-931X
In: International interactions: empirical and theoretical research in international relations, Band 40, Heft 3, S. 325-349
ISSN: 1547-7444
In: International interactions: empirical and theoretical research in international relations, Band 40, Heft 3, S. 325-349
ISSN: 0305-0629
How do countries' actions on the international stage affect their reputations? We propose that, particularly when evaluating countries about whom individuals may have few prior beliefs, international agreements may hold particular sway in establishing countries' reputations. Specifically, if a relatively unknown country joins an organization with a country that has a good reputation, individuals will judge that original state to be less risky; if the better-known countries are generally perceived to have a bad reputation, the less-known state will also look more risky. This article presents evidence from a survey experiment in which individuals are asked about the weight of various factors in their perceptions of countries' reputations. Subjects would randomly receive a prompt about a country's domestic policy reform or its ties to other countries via economic or cultural agreements. The results show that states' international ties play a role in assessments about country reputations. We also examine possible mechanisms underlying this finding. Lower risk associated with agreements with good countries is largely a function of anticipated economic benefits. However, the higher risk associated with agreements with bad countries seems to be more a function of anticipated political closeness between countries.(International Interactions (London)/ FUB)
World Affairs Online
The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly disrupted the international economic order. According to the World Trade Organization (WTO), the unprecedented health crisis may sink global trade by 32% in 2020.236 As an island state highly dependent on trade, Singapore is expected to encounter a 5.8% contraction in gross domestic product, marking its "worst recession since independence."237 The number of confirmed COVID-19 cases in Singapore surpassed the 45,000 mark on July 7, 2020.238 Most cases have occurred in foreign worker dormitories, whereas the spread of the disease in the rest of the community has been limited. To gradually resume economic activities and ease border controls, the Singapore government embarked on a three-phased approach when "circuit breaker" measures that imposed lockdown ended on June 1, 2020.239 Much discussion focuses on Singapore's domestic policy such as stimulus packages and fiscal measures that provide relief to companies and citizens. 240 Nevertheless, Singapore's lessreported international law strategy toward the crisis yields salient global implications. Selected Asian states that have reasonably managed the coronavirus outbreak, including Korea, Taiwan and Vietnam, have been able to do so without international assistance. Notably different from the self-reliance approach, Singapore has resorted to a two-pronged legal strategy that is built upon international economic agreements at bilateral and regional levels.
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In: Indian and foreign review: iss. by the Publ. Div. of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Gov. of India, Band 24, Heft 12, S. 11
ISSN: 0019-4379
In: Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics, Band 1, Heft 1-4, S. 263-326
ISSN: 1467-8292
In: Journal of peace research, Band 43, Heft 4, S. 433-451
ISSN: 1460-3578
The authors appraise a well-known argument connecting economics and security in international relations: military allies are likely to trade more with one another than non-allies. A review of alliance treaties and diplomatic history suggests that, under certain conditions, states may tie together alliance agreements and economic agreements. When states explicitly link alliance agreements with economic cooperation, one would expect to see increased economic exchange coinciding with coordinated security policies. This article evaluates whether the linking of economic and security agreements accounts for a positive relationship between alliances and trade among European states before World War II and produces evidence in support of this argument. Trade among allies who have specified economic cooperation in their alliance agreements is higher than trade among non-allied states and higher than trade among allies who have not promised economic cooperation. In contrast, trade among allies without specific economic provisions in their treaties is statistically no different from trade among non-allies. Thus, the positive empirical relationship between alliances and trade that the authors find in pre-WWII Europe is a result of only a specific subset of all military alliances, namely, those treaties that stipulate economic cooperation between the allies. This study advances our understanding of the alliance–trade relationship by focusing attention on the joint negotiation of cooperation in different issue-areas.
In: Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 370-372
ISSN: 1467-8292
In: Studies on international relations, Heft 7, S. 107-115
ISSN: 0324-8283
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of common market studies: JCMS, Band 59, Heft 6, S. 1419-1437
ISSN: 1468-5965
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of peace research, Band 43, Heft 4, S. 433-452
ISSN: 0022-3433
In: European journal of international law, Band 29, Heft 1, S. 205-224
ISSN: 0938-5428
World Affairs Online