Suchergebnisse

The adoption of the new multiannual financial framework for the period 2021-2027 is one of the most important questions in the EU nowadays. It always belongs to the most difficult and time-consuming decisions the member states have to make. Such a decision should represent several interest like the net contributor and net beneficiary states' aims, the willingness of the European Commission and the European Parliament to make the cooperation among the countries deeper and to extend the cooperation to new policy areas too. The EU's long term multiannual financial framework (MFF) influences and somehow defines the next years' yearly budget and the benefits the member states can receive from the common budget of the EU as well. The main spending numbers represents the importance of the different policy areas as the EU provides resources for the topics which will be in focus in the next seven years. The decision about the new MMF is more complicated than the earlier ones. As a result of the Brexit there will be a gap in the common budget. As at the beginning of the MFF negotiations the way and the exact date of the Brexit was not clear the whole process became less transparent and predictable. On the other hand, the EU planes to provide significantly more money to new priorities and goals like border security, competitiveness or foreign policy. It means that the two traditional beneficiary policy areas' (the CAP and the Cohesion spending) share should decrease within the common budget. This study examines the effects of this decrease on the CAP 2nd pillar, rural development.

The agricultural and rural development policies of the European Union come/came across constant changes, becoming one of the newest stages of structural and economic problems the joining of the new member states. A new process has been initiated with Agenda 2000 and Agenda 2000+ in the Union due to which the establishment of the so called multifunctional agricultural model became a priority for the EU15 and later on the EU25. This model, separating agrarian and rural development introducing a two pillar finance system, wishes to react on the European challenges of the new millennium on the fields of agriculture and rural development. It is a basic need of Hungary to acquire as fast as possible the methods of the Union in order to receive regional grants, create adequate institutional background, projects and programmes involving more actively the rural population into the accomplishment of development plans. ; Az Európai Unió agrár- és vidékfejlesztési politikái folyamatos változásokon mentek-mennek keresztül, melynek egyik legújabb állomásává a csatlakozni kívánó országok felvétele és az azzal járó strukturális és gazdasági problémák megjelenése vált. Az AGENDA 2000-rel, majd az AGENDA 2000+-al egy újabb folyamat indult meg az Unióban melynek eredményeként az ún. többfunkciós agrármodell kiépítése lett az első számú cél a 15-ök és 2004-től a 25-ök Európájában. Ez a modell az agrár- és vidékfejlesztést kettéválasztva kétpilléres finanszírozási rendszert vezetve be kíván az új évezred európai kihívásaira reagálni a mezőgazdaság s a vidékfejlesztés terén. Hazánk alapvető érdeke, hogy minél gyorsabban sajátítsa el az Unióban használatos regionális támogatásokért folytatott módszereket, megfelelő intézményhátteret, pályázatokat és programokat hozva létre, ezáltal mind aktívabban vonva be a vidéki lakosságot is a tervek megvalósításában.

Mass migration, as it appears in the 21st century, is one of the greatest challenges of our globalized world. The unanswered questions of European Union (EU) immigration policy that emerged over the past few decades have become more pressing than ever. One of these urgent questions is: how can we provide for a developing European economy in an era of demographic decline in a way that it is based on the opportunities opened up by legally regulated forms of migration. A second question is: how can the EU ensure the safety of the newly arriving people in need and, at the same time, keep away illegal migrants and eliminate criminal activities related to migration. The European Union is destined to spread the principles of peace and unconditional respect for human rights not only within its own borders, but also on a global scale, when engaging in international affairs. In addition to observing human rights, however, the EU must also take into account all security considerations that are pertinent in guaranteeing the free movement of its citizens within the Member States.

The presentation is a summary of the experiences of régiónál development over a quarter of a century, from the aspect of Hungárián bordér researches. European integration and the unfurling Schengen process changed the relationship of Hungárián régiónál Science and bordér researches in the interpretation of territorial processes. There was a gradual shift of focus by régiónál policies: the so-called "Trianon-syndrome", the analysis of the traditional controlling and restricting functions of State borders was gradually replaced by the analysis of the character of cross-border cooperations. From the point of view of development policy, the tight relationship of régiónál Science and bordér research was founded by the need fór the utilisation of internál and extemal resources, which is the prime motivation of cross-border relations. It is beyond doubt that the use of Hungárián and even more so the EU régiónál supports can effectively serve the moderation of the development disparities of bordér regions, the catching up of the extemal (bordér) peripheries, the "unification" of the spatial structural functions disintegrated by the Peace Treaty of Trianon, the creation and cohesion of a functioning macro-regional economic space in the Carpathian Basin - and all in all the issue of European integration, the improvement of neighbourhood relations.

University of Debrecen, Centre for Agricultural Sciences and Engineering, Faculty of Applied Economics and Rural Development H-4032 Debrecen, Böszörményi str. 138. Today ICT (Information and Telecommunication Technologies) has an essential role in some sectors of the economy. Its development has sped up so much that if somebody is not able to follow this development there is no chance in the economy. It is effectual on both micro and national economic level. A nation's elementary interest is to make the opportunity to recourse of the more developed ICT, on micro level the enterprises' interest is to take advantage of it. Furthermore the knowledge-based society comes to the front more and more, because it is a national economic aim, so without reference to conditions ICT is must at everybody's disposal. So, it has to be available in a little village, as much as a city. If a country can build a suitable infrastructure for the population, it has a huge benefit on international markets and in competitiveness. But in order for the construction of an infrastructure, the first is to ensure the financial sources. EU offers many opportunities on calls for proposals with this object and the most important thing, that we can make the best of it. ICT infrastructure development has been realised on many settlements in Hungary, but not always on the most suitable places. In my opinion, an indicator system would be worthy to develop, by which it would be possible to specify where the development of ICT infrastructure is reasonable – where the use of development funds will be most efficient. Currently applied indicators are deform, they do not reflect the real regional situation, because these had not been worked out to our environmental conditions, but are suitable for only at macro-level, for uniform international comparison, and do not consider many things. Naturally, these are suitable for making international rankings, although such an indicator system would be useful, which shows the development of our own country, at regional level too. ; Az Információs és Kommunikációs Technológiák (IKT) ma már a gazdaság valamennyi szektorában nélkülözhetetlen szerepet töltenek be. A fejlődésük annyira felgyorsult, hogy ha valaki nem képes ezt a fejlődést követni, nincs esélye a gazdaságban. Ez mind mikro, mind pedig nemzetgazdasági szintre érvényes. Egy nemzetnek alapvető érdeke, hogy megteremtse a lehetőséget a minél fejlettebb IKT igénybevételére, mikro szinten pedig a vállalkozásoknak érdeke, hogy ezzel a lehetőséggel éljenek. Továbbá egyre jobban előtérbe kerül a tudásalapú társadalom, mint nemzetgazdasági célkitűzés, azaz mindenki számára rendelkezésre kell hogy álljanak e technológiák körülményektől függetlenül. Azaz egy kis faluban ugyanúgy jelen kell lennie, mint egy nagyvárosban. Ha egy ország megfelelő IKT infrastruktúrát képes megteremteni a lakosság számára, akkor óriási előnye van a nemzetközi piacokon, és versenyképességben. Azonban infrastruktúra létesítéséhez az első a pénzügyi források biztosítása. Az EU nagyon sok pályázati lehetőséget kínál ilyen beruházások céljára, és a legfontosabb, hogy tudjunk a lehetőséggel élni. Magyarországon is rengeteg településen történt IKT infrastruktúra kiépítés, azonban nem mindig a legmegfelelőbb helyen. A fejlesztési források minél hatékonyabb felhasználása érdekében véleményem szerint olyan mutatószámrendszert lenne érdemes kidolgozni, amely alapján pontosabban lehetne meghatározni, hogy hol érdemes fejleszteni, hol hasznosulnak legjobban a fejlesztési források. A jelenleg alkalmazott különböző külföldön kidolgozott indexek torzítanak, nem tükrözik a valós regionális helyzetet, hiszen nem a saját környezeti feltételeinkhez alakították ki őket, hanem makroszintű, egységes nemzetközi összehasonlításra fejlesztették, és ezért sok mindent nem vesz figyelembe. Ezek természetesen nemzetközi rangsor készítésére nagyon is alkalmasak, de mindenképpen hasznos lenne egy olyan mutatószámrendszer, amely a saját országunk tényleges fejlettségét mutatja, régiós szinten is.

This article considers the relationship between centralised, exogenous institutions and the embedded, endogenous institutions of rural governance in Europe through an examination of the evaluation procedures of the European LEADER programme. LEADER is presented in the literature as progressive in terms of innovation and stakeholder engagement. Yet, while the planning and management of LEADER embraces heterogeneity and participation, programmatic evaluation is centralised and is held at arms length from the delivery organisations. The article reviews previous efforts to improve evaluation in LEADER and considers alternative strategies for evaluation, contrasting LEADER practice with participatory evaluation methodologies in the wider international context. Can evaluation in itself be valuable as a mode of social learn-ing and hence a driver for endogenous development in rural communities in Europe? The article concludes by examining the challenges in producing a hybrid form of evaluation that accommodates both endogenous and exogenous values.

There are significant economic, social and infrastructural disparities inside Hungary at the regional level and the differences did not decrease since the democratic transition in 1990. As one of the main goals of the European Union is to minimalize the territorial disparities, the new member states were optimistic about the new perspectives provided for them after the accession. Hungary became eligible for Structural Funds support in 2004 and the actors in the field of regional development foreseen significant decrease of these disparities. However the results and experiences of the first 10 years are ambivalent. In this paper I tried to find a few of the connections between the successful or less successful utilization of the development resources from the EU and the level of economic development.

Magyarország kormánya 2015-ben nagyszabású városfejlesztési projektcsomagot indított el Modern városok program címmel. A fejlesztésekről a 23 megyei jogú város polgármesterei külön-külön találkozókon egyeztek meg a kormányfővel 2015 és 2017 között. A program teljes költségvetése mintegy 3400 milliárd forint, az abban szereplő fejlesztések a kormányzati tervek szerint 2022-ig befejeződnek. A programot elemző kutatásban az alábbi szempontok szerint vizsgáltuk a fejlesztési programot: a program európai és hazai területfejlesztési politikában betöltött szerepe, a központi költségvetésre és az önkormányzati forrásokra gyakorolt hatásai, a gazdaságfejlesztéshez és újraiparosításhoz való hozzájárulása, a program mint új városfejlesztési rezsim. A hazai területfejlesztés elmúlt évszázadában nem találtunk olyan városfejlesztési programot, mely filozófiájában és költségvetési volumenében hasonlítható lenne a Modern városok programhoz. A program előképe elsősorban az 1960-as években megjelenő, de napjainkban is gyakran alkalmazott francia etatista-dirigista megközelítés, hiszen jelentős hasonlóságot mutatnak az alkalmazott eszközök és módszerek, így pl. a tervszerződések rendszere, a központi finanszírozás és döntéshozatal. A program újszerű városfejlesztési rezsimként történő értelmezése ugyanakkor nem bizonyított: az ehhez szükséges, széles körű társadalmi bevonás alapján közösen kialakított fejlesztési célkitűzések nem voltak tapasztalhatók. A program fontos fókusza a gazdaságfejlesztés: gyakorlatilag valamennyi város érintett az iparfejlesztéssel, gazdaságfejlesztéssel kapcsolatos intézkedésekben. Az elmúlt évek megyei jogú városokat érintő kormányzati döntései közül a program meghatározó fejlesztési forrásokat biztosít az érintettek számára, városonként átlagosan kb. 150 milliárd Ft értékben valósulnak meg fejlesztések. In 2015, the Hungarian government launched a major urban development project package called Modern Cities Programme. The mayors of the 23 cities with county rights agreed on the projects in separate meetings with the head of government between 2015 and 2017. The total budget of the programme is about HUF 3400 billion, and according to the government's plans, the developments will be completed by 2022. The development programme was analysed in terms of its contribution to European and national spatial development policy, its impact on the central budget and sources of local government, its contribution to economic development and reindustrialisation, and its suitability as a blueprint for a new urban development regime. On the basis of the research results, it can be said that in the last century of Hungarian spatial development there is no urban development programme whose philosophy and budget volume is comparable to that of Modern Cities. Similar project characteristics were only found in the French state-directed programmes that emerged in the 1960s. They are still widely found today because they are very similar as to their instruments and methods, such as the system of design contracts, the importance of central funding and decision-making. However, the interpretation of the programme as a new urban regime went too far: The development goals formulated jointly on the basis of far-reaching citizens' participation showed no immediately identifiable results. As one of the programme's priorities is economic growth, practically all cities are involved in industrial and economic development measures. Among the recent government decisions taken on behalf of cities with county rights, the programme provides crucial development resources for the 23 cities, averaging HUF 150 billion per city. The central budget for the implementation of the programme in 2015 included HUF 25 billion, HUF 50 billion in 2016, HUF 152 billion in 2017 and HUF 150 billion in 2018. These amounts represent 0.41% of GDP in 2017 and 0.37% in 2018. The financial data suggest that, contrary to some opinions, funding of the programme was sufficient in spite of its disproportionate size. In conjunction with this 3400 billion HUF programme, the Territorial and Settlement Development Operational Programme (TOP) provides approximately HUF 400 billion for other or related developments of the 23 cities. It is worth noting that the volume of government consolidated debt from the 23 cities corresponds to the entire volume of urban development resources of the Operational Programme. Against this background, the government subsidies made available for cities with county rights are significant.

The new Hungarian Waste Act and the other legislation related to area of waste management entered into force on 01th of January 2013. The strategic goal of the new leagal regulation is to achieve the full compliance with the requirements of EU environmental standards. There were some discrepancies in the specific rules of the legislation, which have significantly reduced the effectiveness of the implementation of the policy. Considered by the implementation rechearch the internal contradictions of the policy regulation are clearly one of the most significant barriers to the successful implementation. Therefore, it could be important to examine more closely, how are these adverse effects on the field of the Hungarian waste management, as one of the priority areas of domestic environmental policy.

Two questions will be discussed in the following paper, which, on the basis of the European Union's regional policy document plans, are considered symptomatic in the declining competitiveness of Eastern and Central European spatial policy and will be listed among the key factors in the preparation for the new programming period. These are the following: the institutional balance point of spatial development and the inevitable factor of knowledge-based development, research and development. Before the examination of these factors of content, the declining competitiveness of regional policy will be discussed in European comparison. In the period of the preparation for the new Structural Policy, besides the objectives of supports, resources and mechanisms of structural instruments, the exploitation of the new driving forces of spatial development must also be taken into consideration. The former question is related to the representation of national interests in the EU, the latter task belongs to the domain of national sectoral policies and institutional structures. The modification of factors shaping spatial development necessitates the transformation of the system of objectives, instruments and institutions of regional policy. This also implies the enforcement of national interests.

In the recent decades, the Member States of the European Union have paid more and more attention to the environment and to a more efficient use of renewable energy sources to gain decent energy security. To tackle these problems, the European Union adopted the Europe 2020 strategy in March 2010, which wants to create more a resource-efficient, more competitive and greener Europe until 2020 on the basis of knowledge and innovation. In the strategy the EU undertake the obligation to fulfill the 20/20/20 goals in the field of energy policy. However, to do this multi-trillion forints and profitable investments are needed over several years, which neither the civil society nor the state cannot accomplish from their own resources, thus grants are necessary to fulfill the objectives. In the present article we intend to show that in the 2014-2020 period of EU development from which operative programs for which goals and what intensity of support will help to fulfill the main objectives of the Europe 2020 strategy. In this study we investigate whether EU funds and supplemental national co-financing are expected or not, and what kind of projects can be supported.

As a result of the unfavourable global processes, the EU's ability to sustain a sufficient standard of living according to the share of the global GDP, is in real, perceptible danger. In order to avoid the gloomy scenario, and to handle the unpredictable risks the European Commission is getting framing new strategies. These long term conceptions contain priorities, which serve as guideline to reach the goals, objects proposed. To enhance the competitiveness of the EU there are several (direct and indirect) means to apply. One of these is the less known European Court of Auditors (ECA). The ECA –in the course of its functions –contributes to the financially effective, economical, efficient, regular and transparent priority oriented use of the sources of the EU-budget, and hereby catalyzing the development of the competitive features. Henceforth I represent the functional activity, work of the European Court of Auditors regarding the cohesion policy and the linkage to the general competitivness.

This paper is aimed at analysing the impact of the crisis of the liberal international order on the transatlantic relations. Both the EU and the US have vital interest to maintain the existing international order, however regarding certain foreign policy goals we witness an increasingly divergent approach to world politics. This is the case with the Middle East, where the EU acts as a global player based on historical ties, while the United States have recently started a gradual disengagement from the region. The so-called post-American Middle East have its own opportunities as well as challenges for the European diplomacy. This article focuses on the differences between the EU and the US foreign policy goals related to the Middle East. It primarily addresses the Iranian nuclear program and the Middle East Peace Plan recently launched by the US. The author argues despite some differences in interests, the EU and the US do not perceive the region in an entirely different way.