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Large emissions of greenhouse gases are expected to cause major environmental problems in the future. European policy makers have therefore declared that they aim to implement cost-efficient and fair policies to reduce carbon emissions. The purpose of this paper is to assess whether the cost of the EU policies for 2020 can be reduced through the inclusion of carbon sequestration as and abatement option while also equity is improved. The assessment is done by numerical calculations using a chance-constrained partial equilibrium model of the EU Emissions Trading Scheme and national effort-sharing targets, where forest sequestration is introduced as an uncertain abatement option. Fairness is evaluated by calculation of Gini-coefficients for six equity criteria to policy outcomes. The estimated Gini-coefficients range between 0.11 and 0.32 for the current policy, between 0.16 and 0.66 if sequestration is included and treated as certain, and between 0.19 and 0.38 when uncertainty about sequestration is taken into account and policy-makers wish to meet targets with at least 90 percent probability. The results show that fairness is reduced when sequestration is included and that the impact is larger when sequestration is treated as certain.

Analysis of what Swedish membership in the EU has meant for Swedish policy at the national level. Has its structure and set of priorities changed and if so, how? Compares changes in Swedish policy in the areas of business, agriculture, environmental protection, social life, education, gender equality, asylum and migration, law enforcement, foreign relations and security, communities, and development

On 1 January 1995 Sweden became member of the European Union. This basic fact is not mentioned in Sweden's fundamental law. Nor does the Swedish constitution have anything to say about the important changes to the practice of public policymaking that have taken place since Sweden joined the EU. At the same time, it is indeed apparent that the basic rules of the political game in Sweden have been transformed dramatically after EU accession. This constitutional change, however has taken place without any substantial changes being made to the wording of the most important of Sweden's four fundamental laws, i.e., the Instrument of Government (regeringsformen). Constitutional change can be brought about in two different ways: Constitutional amendment, or explicit constitutional change, refers to a change of the rules of the game which implies a modified wording of the constitutional text. Constitutional alteration, or implicit constitutional change, means the constitutional document itself remains unaltered while its meaning is changed through judicial interpretation or legislative action. How frequently used are these different methods when it comes to the constitutional changes brought about by EU membership? How can we explain the differences between member states? How can these competing methods for constitutional change be normatively justified? Is one of them to be preferred? The research project "Hur regleras EU-medlemskapet?" seeks to answer these questions in a comparative study on how EU membership regulated in different member states. Adapted from the source document.

The adoption of the new multiannual financial framework for the period 2021-2027 is one of the most important questions in the EU nowadays. It always belongs to the most difficult and time-consuming decisions the member states have to make. Such a decision should represent several interest like the net contributor and net beneficiary states' aims, the willingness of the European Commission and the European Parliament to make the cooperation among the countries deeper and to extend the cooperation to new policy areas too. The EU's long term multiannual financial framework (MFF) influences and somehow defines the next years' yearly budget and the benefits the member states can receive from the common budget of the EU as well. The main spending numbers represents the importance of the different policy areas as the EU provides resources for the topics which will be in focus in the next seven years. The decision about the new MMF is more complicated than the earlier ones. As a result of the Brexit there will be a gap in the common budget. As at the beginning of the MFF negotiations the way and the exact date of the Brexit was not clear the whole process became less transparent and predictable. On the other hand, the EU planes to provide significantly more money to new priorities and goals like border security, competitiveness or foreign policy. It means that the two traditional beneficiary policy areas' (the CAP and the Cohesion spending) share should decrease within the common budget. This study examines the effects of this decrease on the CAP 2nd pillar, rural development.

The agricultural and rural development policies of the European Union come/came across constant changes, becoming one of the newest stages of structural and economic problems the joining of the new member states. A new process has been initiated with Agenda 2000 and Agenda 2000+ in the Union due to which the establishment of the so called multifunctional agricultural model became a priority for the EU15 and later on the EU25. This model, separating agrarian and rural development introducing a two pillar finance system, wishes to react on the European challenges of the new millennium on the fields of agriculture and rural development. It is a basic need of Hungary to acquire as fast as possible the methods of the Union in order to receive regional grants, create adequate institutional background, projects and programmes involving more actively the rural population into the accomplishment of development plans. ; Az Európai Unió agrár- és vidékfejlesztési politikái folyamatos változásokon mentek-mennek keresztül, melynek egyik legújabb állomásává a csatlakozni kívánó országok felvétele és az azzal járó strukturális és gazdasági problémák megjelenése vált. Az AGENDA 2000-rel, majd az AGENDA 2000+-al egy újabb folyamat indult meg az Unióban melynek eredményeként az ún. többfunkciós agrármodell kiépítése lett az első számú cél a 15-ök és 2004-től a 25-ök Európájában. Ez a modell az agrár- és vidékfejlesztést kettéválasztva kétpilléres finanszírozási rendszert vezetve be kíván az új évezred európai kihívásaira reagálni a mezőgazdaság s a vidékfejlesztés terén. Hazánk alapvető érdeke, hogy minél gyorsabban sajátítsa el az Unióban használatos regionális támogatásokért folytatott módszereket, megfelelő intézményhátteret, pályázatokat és programokat hozva létre, ezáltal mind aktívabban vonva be a vidéki lakosságot is a tervek megvalósításában.

Forest management affects the quantity of CO2 emissions in the atmosphere by carbon sequestration in standing biomass, carbon storage in forest products and production of bioenergy that replace fossil fuels. The main question in this paper is whether forest sequestration is worth increasing at the expense of bioenergy and forest products to achieve EU's emission reduction target to 2050 cost-effectively. The assessment is based on numerical calculations using a dynamic, partial equilibrium model of cost-effective solutions, where three abatement methods in the forest sector are included together with abatement in the fossil fuel sector. The results show that forest sequestration in standing biomass is cost-effective compared to bioenergy. When sequestration is taken into account, net present costs for meeting EU carbon targets can be reduced by 18%. This is achieved through an increase in annual carbon sequestration by 30-158 million ton CO2. The overall cost of reaching the 80 per cent carbon reduction target amounts to 2,002 billion Euros when sequestration is included in the policy, but increases to 2,371 billion Euros without sequestration. Results suggest that forests can serve as a cost-efficient carbon sink over the considered time period.

This article analyses the relationship between EU security, integration and associated members using insights from security studies and the literature on Europeanization. While much of the recent literature emphasizes either the EU's insignificance as a security actor or its importance as a normative and global actor, I investigate its role as a security actor in its own region, arguing that the EU is primarily a regional security actor. I make two general claims: (1) it is the development of common rules and values in various policy areas that constitutes the basis for the EU as a security actor; and (2) it is the successful projection of these rules and values beyond EU borders that will determine the impact of the EU as a security actor. The aim is therefore to show how the EU promotes security and stability through the externalization of rules and values through various processes, association agreements and neighbourhood policies. Adapted from the source document.

Plant breeding has always relied on progress in various scientifc disciplines to generate and enable access to genetic variation. Until the 1970s, available techniques generated mostly random genetic alterations that were subject to a selection procedure in the plant material. Recombinant nucleic acid technology, however, started a new era of targeted genetic alterations, or precision breeding, enabling a much more targeted approach to trait management. More recently, developments in genome editing are now providing yet more control by enabling alterations at exact locations in the genome. The potential of recombinant nucleic acid technology fueled discussions about potentially new associated risks and, starting in the late 1980s, biosafety legislation for genetically modifed organisms (GMOs) has developed in the European Union. However, the last decade has witnessed a lot of discussions as to whether or not genome editing and other precision breeding techniques should be encompassed by the EU GMO legislation. A recent ruling from the Court of Justice of the European Union indicated that directed mutagenesis techniques should be subject to the provisions of the GMO Directive, essentially putting many precision breeding techniques in the same regulatory basket. This review outlines the evolving EU regulatory framework for GMOs and discusses some potential routes that the EU may take for the regulation of precision breeding.

Mass migration, as it appears in the 21st century, is one of the greatest challenges of our globalized world. The unanswered questions of European Union (EU) immigration policy that emerged over the past few decades have become more pressing than ever. One of these urgent questions is: how can we provide for a developing European economy in an era of demographic decline in a way that it is based on the opportunities opened up by legally regulated forms of migration. A second question is: how can the EU ensure the safety of the newly arriving people in need and, at the same time, keep away illegal migrants and eliminate criminal activities related to migration. The European Union is destined to spread the principles of peace and unconditional respect for human rights not only within its own borders, but also on a global scale, when engaging in international affairs. In addition to observing human rights, however, the EU must also take into account all security considerations that are pertinent in guaranteeing the free movement of its citizens within the Member States.

The current malnutrition epidemic calls for multiple solutions. The aim of the thesis is to identify the themes of the debate regarding the development of a single Front of-package nutrition label in the European Union. In order to reach the aim, a case study approach was used by looking at the positions of different stakeholders in Sweden, Italy as well as by looking at the debate inside of the European Commission and European Council of Ministries. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews and analysis of documents. The results show that the stakeholders are trying to influence the process towards contrasting outcomes. Different stakeholders argue for very different ideal labelling schemes, while still agreeing on the need for harmonization. Major disagreement arise on whether the label should be voluntary, based on portion or 100 g and on the ideal label design. The type of view depends on the stakeholder role and on its previous experience with this type of labelling. The political debate inside of the European Union is still at an early stage and no consensus has yet been reached, the divergences between the representatives of the Member Countries partially deal with arguments similar to those exposed by the stakeholders. The patterns that emerge from the analysis of the different point of views can facilitate the cooperation between stakeholders and policy-makers. ; Trots teknologisk utveckling har nuvarande livsmedelssystem inte förmått att uppnå livsmedelssäkerhet och folkhälsa för alla. Problemen i världens många livsmedessystem varierar i grad och fokus. I stunden är 17 % av barn som bor i Europa överviktiga, och givet dagens förutsättningar i livsmedelssystem och levnadsvanor förutspås 37 % av vuxna i Europa vara feta 2030. Denna situation är att betrakta som en epidemi, som drabbar vissa grupper i samhället mer än andra, och den är kopplad till många andra icke smittsamma sjukdomar. För individen kan övervikt leda till en lägre livskvalité och för samhället innebär det ökade hälso- och sjukvårdskostnader. Eftersom det är många faktorer som påverkar en individs matvanor ligger ansvaret både på individer och på samhälle för att skapa förutsättningar för en hälsosam livsstil vad gäller livsmedelskonsumtion. För att vägleda konsumenter i matrelaterade val har många länder i Europa en tradition som innebär att konsumenten får hälsorelaterad information om produkten på förpackningen. Det ger konsumenten möjlighet att göra konsumtionsval baserat på mer information. Traditionen inom EU att använda information, fakta och symboler, på livsmedelsprodukter skiljer sig dock mellan länder, och det leder till förvirring och politiska problem. Problemen har banat väg för att EU 2020 kommunicerade målet att skapa en harmoniserad form för information på livsmedelsprodukter som säljs i länder i EU. Detta löfte har skapat debatt och starka röster som ser väldigt olika lösningar på problemet. Syftet med projektet är att identifiera tema i debatten i EU om ett harmoniserat format för information på livsmedelsprodukter. Studien är en fallstudie i vilken debatten från två länders perspektiv, Italien och Sverige, är av speciellt intresse. Tillgängliga sekundärdata från EU och de två valda länderna, och semistrukturerade intervjuer utgör datainsamlingsmetod. En innehållsanalys genomfördes med utgångspunkt i intressent-, varumärkes- och standardutvecklingsbegrepp som hörnstenar för en förståelse för förändringsprocessen. Resultaten från studien visar att representanter för de valda organisationerna i studien förordar en harmonisering av regler för konsumentinformation. Synen på sättet på vilket det skall göras skiljer sig däremot åt. Återkommande tema i intervjuerna är frivillighet, som innebär att det är upp till livsmedelsproducenten att bestämma om produkten skall ha en symbol som visar övergripande näringsinformation eller detaljerad näringsinnehållsinformation. Olika intressenter arbetar på flera fronter för att frågan skall få en lösning. Medan EU samlar in data för att kartlägga alternativa metoder och traditioner arbetar Ministerrådet för att skapa politiska förutsättningar för dialog och samsyn i frågan. Grunden för att skapa ett harmoniserat system ligger i en samsyn på vetenskapliga bevis. Den politiska debatten pågår och kommer att kräva tid innan politiska beslut kan fattas. ; Nonostante il suo sviluppo tecnologico, l'attuale sistema alimentare non è stato in grado di garantire la sicurezza alimentare per tutti. I tipi di malnutrizione presenti variano considerevolmente a livello mondiale; al momento il 17% dei bambini europei è obeso o ovrappeso e, alle presenti condizioni, il 37% degli adulti sarà obeso nel 2030. Questa epidemia di malnutrizione colpisce le categorie svantaggiate in maniera sproporzionata ed è connessa con molte malattie non trasmissibili. La malnutrizione contribuisce a una minore qualità della vita e a una maggior pressione sul sistema sanitario. Ci sono molti fattori che influenzano la dieta delle persone e quindi la responsabilità di risolvere il problema è sia individuale sia collettiva. Negli anni, molti paesi Europei hanno creato sistemi di etichettatura nutrizionale fronte-pacco, con lo scopo di aumentare la comprensione della qualità nutrizionale dei prodotti da parte dei consumatori, così che questi possano fare scelte più consapevoli. In questi sistemi, le informazioni sono presentate sul lato del prodotto che i consumatori vedono al momento dell'acquisto, cosi da facilitarne l'utilizzo. I sistemi di etichettatura fronte-pacco in vigore nell'Unione Europea sono molto diversi tra loro, rappresentando una fonte di confusione per i consumatori e un ostacolo al commercio nel Mercato Unico. Nel 2020, la Commissione Europea ha espresso l'intenzione di adottare una singola etichetta fronte-pacco da utilizzare in tutti i Paesi Membri. L'annuncio ha provocato un grande dibattito, dove gli interessati argomentano soluzioni molto diverse tra loro. Lo scopo della tesi è identificare i temi del dibattito riguardante lo sviluppo di un'unica etichetta fronte-pacco all'interno dell'Unione Europea. Il case-study esplora il dibattito sull'etichetta in corso in Italia e Svezia. I dati sono stati raccolti tramite analisi di documenti e interviste semi-strutturate con stakeholder in entrambi i paesi e con la Commissione Europea. I dati sono quindi stati analizzati con l'aiuto delle teorie sugli stakeholder, sulle etichette, sugli standard e sulle transizioni. I risultati mostrano che, nonostante le organizzazioni selezionate siano in favore dell'armonizzazione, ci sono idee molto diverse rispetto quali caratteristiche l'etichetta comune dovrebbe avere. Temi del dibattito sono, per esempio, la volontarietà dell'etichetta o se questa debba presentare una valutazione complessiva del valore nutrizionale dell'alimento o solo il suo contenuto nutrizionale. Sia il ruolo sia il paese di origine degli intervistati influenzano il loro punto di vista, similarità e differenze di opinione possono essere viste lungo queste linee. Le organizzazioni investigate sono attive sia nel dibattito Europeo sia in quelli nazionali. Le istituzioni europee, responsabili del processo legislativo, sono attive sul tema in modo diverso. La Commissione Europea sta ancora raccogliendo le evidenze scientifiche riguardanti questo tipo di etichette e che serviranno per scrivere la Proposta. Il Consiglio dell'Unione Europea non ha ancora trovato una posizione comune e i Ministri partecipanti hanno posizioni molto differenti. Il dibattito politico interno al Consiglio ha a che fare, per la maggior parte, con i temi presentati dalle organizzazioni intervistate. A causa delle rilevanti differenze in termini di etichetta ideale si può supporre che il dibattito andrà avanti ancora per molto tempo e si evolverà mentre emergono nuove evidenze scientifiche e sono prese decisioni politiche.