Good Neigbourdlines Condition for EU Membership: The EU Policy Towards the Cyprus Conflict and İts Security İnplication
In: Ankara Üniversitesi SBF dergisi, Band 58, Heft 4, S. 1
ISSN: 1309-1034
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In: Ankara Üniversitesi SBF dergisi, Band 58, Heft 4, S. 1
ISSN: 1309-1034
In: Ankara Üniversitesi SBF dergisi, Band 61, Heft 2, S. 1
ISSN: 1309-1034
In: Sosyal Bilimler Araştırmaları Dergisi
ISSN: 1309-9302
AB'nin en önemli kurumsal yeniliklerden biri AB ajanslarının kurulmasıdır. AB ajansları, AB kurumlarından ayrı, ulus-üstü nitelikte, tüzel kişiliğe sahip belli düzeyde örgütsel ve mali özerkliği olan kamu otoriteleridir. AB ajanslarının üstlendikleri görevler gerçekte AB ve üye devletler tarafından yerine getirilen görevlerdir. AB ve üye devletlerin birtakım düzenleyici, izleme ve koordinasyon görevlerini AB ajanslarına devretmesiyle birlikte AB ajansları, AB mevzuatının uygulanmasında ve Avrupa politika sektörlerinin düzenlenmesinde önemli görevler üstlenmişlerdir. Genellikle doğrudan AB vatandaşlarını etkileyen alanlarda faaliyet gösteren ve Avrupa'yı vatandaşlarına yakın kılma anlayışıyla AB'nin her yerine dağılmış durumda olan bu ajanslar; ticari markaların tescili; uyuşturucu bağımlılığı; iş sağlığı ve güvenliği; gıda ve hava güvenliği; ilaçlar; çevre; kimyasallar; telekomünikasyon; hastalık önleme; sınır kontrolü; savunma vb. çeşitli politika alanlarında bir dizi görevi yerine getirmektedir. AB ajanslarının hızla artan sayıları AB'de yürütme gücünün yeniden yapılandırılması anlamına gelirken, bu da politika oluşturma ve tüm AB kurumsal yapısında etkili olacak yeni aktörlerin ortaya çıkması demektir. AB'de ajans oluşturmanın politik ve kurumsal gerekçelerinin ele alındığı bu çalışmada, AB'de kurulan 36 AB ajansı incelenmiş; AB ajanslarının politikaların entegrasyonu, ulus-üstü yapının güçlendirilmesi ve AB'nin meşruiyetinin arttırılmasının bir gereği olduğu ifade edilmiştir.
In: Milletlerarası münasebetler türk yıllığı: The Turkish yearbook of international relations, S. 001-027
In: Sosyal siyaset konferansları dergisi, Band 0, Heft 81, S. 501-536
ISSN: 2548-0405
In: The Turkish yearbook of international relations, Band 46, Heft 0, S. 47-89
In: Akademik İncelemeler Dergisi: AİD = Journal of academic inquiries, Band 19, Heft 1, S. 81-92
ISSN: 2602-3016
The European Union (EU) has been challenged by several crises lately. In addition to Brexit, the Euro crisis, and the migration crisis; global issues such as the coronavirus pandemic and the Russian attack on Ukraine affected the EU. The migration crisis, on the one hand, differs from the above-mentioned crises with one remarkable feature. The member states have no real consensus about forming a common migration policy. Besides, for geographic reasons, some member states put much more burden on immigrants. Agreeing on immigration becomes impossible for the border countries on the migration route and also transit countries. The paper argues that, unlike the other crises of the EU, the migration crisis reinforces EU integration in such a way that disputes between member states prevent the EU from making institutional changes about the issue. The study results assume that the other above-mentioned crises, on the other hand, stimulated institutional change throughout the EU. In light of this information, this study evaluates, using a method of relevant literature review and comparing the arguments of the researchers, how the migration issue became a subject of dispute between member states by evaluating the 2015 crisis.
In: Hitit Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi: Hitit journal of social sciences
ISSN: 2757-7449
Due to the harmful effects of traditional energy sources on the environment and health, the consumption of renewable energy sources has recently come to the fore on the world agenda. In order for national economies to maintain their existence, individuals must ensure their health and welfare. In this context, the priority duty of countries should be to protect public health and ensure its sustainability. There are many factors that determine a country's level of healthcare expenditures; environmental conditions are also one of them. The increase in greenhouse gas emissions resulting from the consumption of non-renewable energy sources can pose a great danger to human welfare and the environment. Environmental problems caused by greenhouse gas emissions negatively affect human health in many ways, such as affecting the nervous system, lungs, and causing respiratory diseases. In addition, environmental pollution resulting from greenhouse gas emissions increases health expenditures and causes a decrease in labor productivity. Considering these negative effects, increasing the use of wind, solar, geothermal, and other environmentally friendly energy sources, which are renewable energy sources, will contribute to environmental improvement by meeting the energy needs of countries. Recently, the increase in the resources allocated to health expenditures from the national income of countries has made the discussion of sustainability in the relevant field a current issue. In this respect, researching the factors affecting health expenditures will provide important information to policy makers. This study examines the health expenditures of renewable energy consumption in 13 EU countries (Belgium, Czech Republic, Denmark, Germany, Austria, Spain, Sweden, Italy, Portugal, Greece, Finland, France, and the Netherlands) selected considering data availability between 2000 and 2020 investigating in which direction it affects. In the study, countries with the highest consumption of renewable energy were selected. Since the sustainability of the recently increasing health expenditures is important, the variables of renewable energy consumption and economic growth were analyzed and the subject was limited. In this context, it is believed that the findings will provide important information to policy makers. The main motivation of the study is that there are limited studies on the relevant subject in the literature and panel cointegration and panel cointegration coefficient estimator tests are not used. Obtaining renewable energy consumption and health expenditure data from 2000 to 2020 constitutes the main limitation of the study. As analysis methods, Lagrange multiplier (LM) cointegration and Common Corelated Effect (CCE) cointegration estimator tests were used. Before the application of these tests, cross-sectional dependence and homogeneity were determined. Fourier LM unit root test was used in examining the unit root process. Then, cointegration test and cointegration coefficient estimators, which is the last stage of the application, were determined. According to the panel cointegration coefficient estimation results, in the general analysis conducted for 13 EU countries, the effect of renewable energy consumption on health expenditures is statistically significant at the 10% level. Accordingly, a 1% increase in renewable energy consumption decreases health expenditures by 0.197%. In country-specific studies, the effect of renewable energy consumption on health expenditures was statistically significant and negative in Denmark, Spain, Sweden, and Greece, reducing health expenditures by 0.132%, 0.111%, 1.288%, and 0.782%, respectively. The effect of GDP on health expenditures appears to be statistically significant at the 1% level. Accordingly, a 1% increase in income increases health expenses by 1.071%. In country-based analyses, the coefficients are statistically significant and positive in Germany, Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, France, Spain, Sweden, Italy, Portugal, and Greece. These findings indicate that the increase in environmentally friendly, reusable energy consumption will have a positive impact on the environment, reduce health expenditures and contribute positively to the sustainability of health financing. In addition, it emphasizes that increases in GDP are reflected in health expenditures, thus increasing the quality of health.
In: Turkish journal of Middle Eastern studies: Türkiye ortadoğu çalışmaları dergisi
ISSN: 2147-7523
Following Rouhani's victory in the 2013 presidential elections, Iran's foreign policy (IFP) underwent significant changes after over a decade under Ahmadinejad. To date, only a few academic studies have attempted to incorporate a specific individual-level theory into their respective analyses, even though a large body of literature contends that leadership change is the decisive factor in differences in Iran's policy towards the US and the EU. This study analyzes the leadership styles of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani to reveal the possible impact of decision-maker personalities on foreign policy, and to develop an account of the moderation in IFP. Accordingly, it asks, "How does leadership style influence IFP towards the 'Western world'?" Theoretically, the study benefits from Hermann's 'Leadership Trait Analysis' to find out the impact of leaders' personalities on foreign policy behaviors of states. Empirically, it analyzes both presidents' spontaneously selected political speeches, consisting of their answers in interviews and press conferences. Methodologically, the study utilizes the software Profiler Plus to assess individual traits of leaders. Interpreting leadership trait scores of two presidents, the study concludes that certain leadership features allow the construction of foreign policies that are more moderate.
In: Ortadoğu etütleri: siyaset ve uluslararası ilişkiler dergisi = Middle Eastern studies : journal of politics and international relations, Band 15, Heft 2, S. 147-162
As a result of efforts to establish a common migration policy and harmonize European countries since the 1990s, European countries began to want to include the migration regime in the EU acquis. In those years, the goal of European migration policy was to combat irregular migration. Turkey's more intrusive control over migration has also put pressure on European countries. Because Türkiye has become a transit country that opens space for irregular immigrants. In this context, a strong immigration policy has been established in order to respond to the expectations of Europe's institutional and legal regulations. Among these regulations, there are some decisions regarding labor migration. In this study, Turkey's Eleventh Development Plan was examined within the framework of the concept of "sustainable development", taking into account Turkey's current development goals. In consequence of these investigations, new business areas that have emerged recently have been identified and analyzed.
In: Ankara Üniversitesi SBF dergisi
ISSN: 1309-1034
This paper analyzes the creative city policy for Istanbul, which has recently become a popular throughout the world. Cities are expected to be creative milieus that foster free circulation of people, ideas, and interactions for economic growth, global competitiveness, and social development. Drawing on Foucault and governmentality studies, this paper first argues that the creative city policy is a neoliberal political rationality that seeks to stimulate individuals' creative capacities through structuring urban space. Neoliberalism includes the de-governmentalization of state and the active participation of non-state actors in the governing processes. Second, using examples from street gentrification, industrial heritage re-functioning, and co-working spaces in Istanbul, this paper dissects how creativity, freedom, and economic growth intersect in urban space and how a broad coalition of political parties, state agencies, local authorities, non-governmental organizations, small-scale cultural entrepreneurs, and creative professionals have been formed around the creative city. As a result, creative city policy is a form of governmentality that includes official documents as well as spatial strategies of a heterogeneous coalition of state and non-state actors.
In: Alternatif politika: Alternative politics, Band 15, Heft 3, S. 445-470
ISSN: 1309-0593
The depiction of identity in foreign policy analysis is typically presented as inherent or predetermined. However, discursive approaches within the field, particularly poststructuralism, have emphasized foreign policy discourse's influence on identity formation. The main aim of this paper is to elucidate the performative relationship between identity and foreign policy through a poststructuralist lens, even in situations that are not existential or geographically proximate crises. This study employs a critical discourse analysis methodology to examine the performative dynamics between foreign policy discourse by the Justice and Development Party (AKP) policymakers and officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) about distant natural disasters and the construction of the Turkish national identity. The study presents three primary findings: firstly, the AKP's foreign policy discourse recognizes the Indonesia and Pakistan disasters as significant events, in contrast to the case of Haiti; secondly, this discourse constructs a homogenous Turkish identity; and thirdly, this homogeneous Turkish identity qualifies by several signifiers and is distinguished from external others.
In: Akademik İncelemeler Dergisi: AİD = Journal of academic inquiries, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 389-404
ISSN: 2602-3016
Somalia has a special place in the foreign policy of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party), which has been in power since November 2002. Turkey's relations with Somalia started to develop after the official visit of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to Somalia on 19 August 2011, who was the prime minister at that time, to support Somalis affected by severe drought and civil war. After 2011, Turkey launched one of the largest humanitarian aid campaigns to Somalia. Turkey has not only developed a soft power policy in Somalia but also started to implement a hard power policy. In this respect, Turkey has been training hundreds of Somali soldiers and police in both Ankara and Mogadishu since 2012. At the same time, Turkey opened its largest military base abroad in Somalia in 2017. This research explores the reasons and dynamics behind Turkey's deepening of its security policy in Somalia and sheds light on what Turkey's security policy means for Somalia. The research argues that there is a combination of factors driving Turkey's security policy towards Somalia, including socio-cultural, economic, and geopolitical. This study examines Turkey's security policy with a holistic approach, using conceptual and theoretical perspectives.
In: Sosyal Bilimler Araştırmaları Dergisi
ISSN: 1309-9302
Georgia's inclusion in the agenda of international relations can be assessed from various angles. To properly understand the current situation in Georgia, it is necessary to first assess its knowledge of geopolitics, geoculture and geoeconomics. This study analyzes the political situation in the South Caucasus at the beginning of the XXI century, the process of bilateral and multilateral integration of the region's states and the conditions necessary for the implementation of this process, the place and importance of the region in the "New Great Game". The article also examines the difficult issues in the South Caucasus, the Turkish-Russian competition in the face of promising potential, and the place and importance of this competition in their regional policy. The results of the Azerbaijani-Armenian war were analyzed in the regional policy of Turkey and Russia. The article aims to explain the dynamics and development of the region, where, in addition to global actors, there is serious competition, including the countries of the region.
In: Ortadoğu etütleri: siyaset ve uluslararası ilişkiler dergisi = Middle Eastern studies : journal of politics and international relations, Band 15, Heft 2, S. 163-186
Scholars have so far examined Turkey's Kurdish resolution/peace process (2013-2015) from various perspectives. While some works have pursued a rational choice approach and focused on the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government's strategic calculations vis-à-vis the PKK in initiating a peace process and maintaining it until 2015, others have analyzed Turkey's experience within the framework of the conflict resolution scholarship. Instead, this paper's starting point is the idea that the 2013-2015 resolution process was not merely a policy to put an end to an internal conflict, but it rather constituted a key aspect of the AKP's ongoing endeavor to turn Turkey into a regional power. This paper places the 2013-2015 resolution process within the framework of regional and global dynamics and argues that from the mid-2000s onwards, the AKP government's efforts to put an end to the PKK terrorism and resolve the Kurdish question in Turkey reflected the policy of a middle-power country, i.e. Turkey, to increase its power and influence in the region instead of a mere domestic peace process. Thus, the end of the resolution process in 2015 constrained Turkey's potential achievements in the Middle East and beyond.