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This paper attempts to find a much-needed balance between data protection rights and trade secret rights on customer information in the European Union framework. Our analysis proposes a "shared management" of secret data between businesses and customers based on an operation of de-contextualization of customer databases. Several rights are in conflict in these two legal domains. For instance, the right to access to personal data and the new proposed right to "data portability" conflict with the interests of trade secret holders. What is even more problematic is that both analyzed legal frameworks are more and more based on a "proprietary" approach to data: they are both a form of abstract "monopoly". In a first step we analyze, in comparison with USA law, when and how the scope of data protection and trade secret protection coincide in practice, according to the proposed EU reforms in the field. As illustrated by literature, balancing rules in these two frameworks are vague and schizophrenic. However, from a literal interpretation of the analyzed it is possible to understand a "favor" for data protection rights. In analyzing the apparent favor to personality rights compared to other (e.g., economic) rights we investigate (both in USA and selected European states) trade secrets in the perspective of personality rights and data protection rights. As a result of our study we propose a change in perspective from the contrast between customers and businesses, to the conflict between customers and businessmen that enables us to verify whether and when personality rights of data subjects affect the above-mentioned personality rights of businessman in practice. the paper proposes to "decontextualize" secret data so that customers can access only data strictly related to their biographical information while trade secret holders can be free not to disclose the output of their data processing (behavior evaluation, forecast, studies on life expectancy, personalized marketing plan, pricing, etc.) if disclosure can adversely affect their interests. In this framework the "proprietary" approach of European laws must be caught as an opportunity, not as an obstacle: we can consider secret data as a "shared good" of customers and businessmen. A multi-level management of data should be based on interests that are common to customers and trade secret holders (secrecy and data updating).

Large emissions of greenhouse gases are expected to cause major environmental problems in the future. European policy makers have therefore declared that they aim to implement cost-efficient and fair policies to reduce carbon emissions. The purpose of this paper is to assess whether the cost of the EU policies for 2020 can be reduced through the inclusion of carbon sequestration as and abatement option while also equity is improved. The assessment is done by numerical calculations using a chance-constrained partial equilibrium model of the EU Emissions Trading Scheme and national effort-sharing targets, where forest sequestration is introduced as an uncertain abatement option. Fairness is evaluated by calculation of Gini-coefficients for six equity criteria to policy outcomes. The estimated Gini-coefficients range between 0.11 and 0.32 for the current policy, between 0.16 and 0.66 if sequestration is included and treated as certain, and between 0.19 and 0.38 when uncertainty about sequestration is taken into account and policy-makers wish to meet targets with at least 90 percent probability. The results show that fairness is reduced when sequestration is included and that the impact is larger when sequestration is treated as certain.

The European Emission Trading Scheme (EU ETS) is the central EU policy instrument aimed at mitigating climate change and to comply with the target agreed in the Kyoto protocol. The EU ETS could result in an harmful impact for the competitiveness of the European firms, as it was unilaterally introduced by the EU, and so firms could be induced to relocate their carbon-intensive production activities in countries with less stringent regulations for mitigating climate change (carbon leakage effect). For this reason, European Union decided to grant most of permits for free in its first phases and to exempt leakage-exposed sectors from auctioning in its third phase. According to Coase (1960), the level of emissions for each firm in equilibrium does not depend on the assignment of property rights over the emissions but this could not be the case in a real world system, with a lot of possible frictions, as transaction costs and behavioural anomalies. The aim of the paper is to exploit the asymmetry in the allocation mechanisms introduced from the third phase of the EU ETS to evaluate whether different allocation mechanisms are neutral in terms of emission abatement decisions. Results suggest a non-neutral role of the allocation mechanisms, with establishments that received allowances for free having greater emissions than plants that were forced to buy allowances through auctions.

This dissertation represents an attempt to find out whether and to what extent transatlantic economic cooperation has been institutionalized in the last decade. More broadly, it is also a review of trade relations between the European Union and the United States in the past twenty years. Firstly, my claim is that the institutionalization of practices like trade dialogues and/or fora after the New Transatlantic Agenda had a weak impact on how transatlantic actors govern their respective economic ties. Consideration is given to both 'who' governs in transatlantic relations (either state and non-state actors) and 'how', as evidence is sought either in official documents and case-studies to prove or disprove the claim that a "re-centralisation" of decision-making powers has resulted in less 'policy setting' and 'policy shaping' by lower level civil servants and non-state actors. Moreover, another key issue is what drove the overall design and strategy of trade and economic relations forward, on both sides of the Atlantic. Extensive use of case studies, process-tracing, and interviews is applied to a wide range of topics, covering the period from the establishment of the New Transatlantic Agenda until the re-launch of the partnership with the Transatlantic Economic Council (TEC) in 2007. A particular attention is devoted to public opinion as an explanatory variable. Trade undisputedly reflects better than any other topic the determinants and features of decision-making, and shows how strongly they are shaped by a variety of factors. Non-tariff barriers to trade are one of the most important limits to transatlantic dialogue, especially in sectors such as food products, health, chemicals or data privacy. The role of private actors in (re)shaping regulatory standards is increased for example during current negotiations in Brussels and in Washington for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. Finally, policy-making in the transatlantic sphere is adjusted to the needs and exigencies of the different relevant actors. Therefore, the peculiarity of the topic I am going to present can not be treated as if it was simply a matter of institutions, rational choices and bargaining. Policies are a result of a complex web of interactions, which can be framed by theories and are shaped by ideas and norms, as it will be shown in the theoretical part. I assume that political decisions can be explained by looking both at the different levels to which they are agreed upon and at the different factors they may be influenced by.

On 1 January 1995 Sweden became member of the European Union. This basic fact is not mentioned in Sweden's fundamental law. Nor does the Swedish constitution have anything to say about the important changes to the practice of public policymaking that have taken place since Sweden joined the EU. At the same time, it is indeed apparent that the basic rules of the political game in Sweden have been transformed dramatically after EU accession. This constitutional change, however has taken place without any substantial changes being made to the wording of the most important of Sweden's four fundamental laws, i.e., the Instrument of Government (regeringsformen). Constitutional change can be brought about in two different ways: Constitutional amendment, or explicit constitutional change, refers to a change of the rules of the game which implies a modified wording of the constitutional text. Constitutional alteration, or implicit constitutional change, means the constitutional document itself remains unaltered while its meaning is changed through judicial interpretation or legislative action. How frequently used are these different methods when it comes to the constitutional changes brought about by EU membership? How can we explain the differences between member states? How can these competing methods for constitutional change be normatively justified? Is one of them to be preferred? The research project "Hur regleras EU-medlemskapet?" seeks to answer these questions in a comparative study on how EU membership regulated in different member states. Adapted from the source document.

Analysis of what Swedish membership in the EU has meant for Swedish policy at the national level. Has its structure and set of priorities changed and if so, how? Compares changes in Swedish policy in the areas of business, agriculture, environmental protection, social life, education, gender equality, asylum and migration, law enforcement, foreign relations and security, communities, and development

The unemployment is an important issue for all other groups of society such as adults, women, people with disabilities, migrants and of course, the main goal is the fighting for this problem for the whole society. However, there is also a fact that the problem amongst young generation affects more deeply to the society's present and future. Furthermore, solving the unemployment problem of today's youth should be noted that this would mean to solve the employment problem of the adults of the future. Therefore, in this study, the phenomenon of the growing rates of unemployment especially amongst young people is drawn attention and the picture of youth unemployment in Europe will be explored. Generally, youth unemployment leads to several significant social and personal problems in the areas of physiological, psychological, economic due to that as the most efficient labour capacity, it remains idle, as it will be specified in detail in the study. The lack of homogeneous structure of youth unemployment and also, their very high mobility tend to be a problem with youth unemployment. Correspondingly young people are belonging to the different education, skills, psychological structure, it complicates the solution of the problem. This issue exists as well as almost in all parts of the world, such as both in developed and developing countries as a common problem. The result of this problem is a much more complex rather than it looks actually. For this reason, the changing rates of youth unemployment are calling for changes in policies and it raises some key issues that policy-makers will need to address. Different policies which are the reflection of the education systems, labour market institutions and socio-cultural characteristics of the EU countries have been evaluated by these Member States in the transition of young people from school to work. This can be carried out applying various policy recommendations in the different fields that are described in the current research study. In order to examine the youth unemployment driving factors and analyse their impact, empirical data was obtained for EU-15 countries as a whole. The statistical data was composed of the different variables, such as minimum wage, youth employment to population ratio, unemployment, poverty rate, GNI per capita, youth population. Then, when data analysis and review of academic literature finished, results and discussions were accomplished in the present paper. This also involved possible recommendations for a more effective development in the countries of EU.

Forest management affects the quantity of CO2 emissions in the atmosphere by carbon sequestration in standing biomass, carbon storage in forest products and production of bioenergy that replace fossil fuels. The main question in this paper is whether forest sequestration is worth increasing at the expense of bioenergy and forest products to achieve EU's emission reduction target to 2050 cost-effectively. The assessment is based on numerical calculations using a dynamic, partial equilibrium model of cost-effective solutions, where three abatement methods in the forest sector are included together with abatement in the fossil fuel sector. The results show that forest sequestration in standing biomass is cost-effective compared to bioenergy. When sequestration is taken into account, net present costs for meeting EU carbon targets can be reduced by 18%. This is achieved through an increase in annual carbon sequestration by 30-158 million ton CO2. The overall cost of reaching the 80 per cent carbon reduction target amounts to 2,002 billion Euros when sequestration is included in the policy, but increases to 2,371 billion Euros without sequestration. Results suggest that forests can serve as a cost-efficient carbon sink over the considered time period.

A special regulatory regime applies to products of recombinant nucleic acid modifications. A ruling from the European Court of Justice has interpreted this regulatory regime in a way that it also applies to emerging mutagenesis techniques. Elsewhere regulatory progress is also ongoing. In 2015, Argentina launched a regulatory framework, followed by Chile in 2017 and recently Brazil and Colombia. In March 2018, the USDA announced that it will not regulate genome-edited plants differently if they could have also been developed through traditional breeding. Canada has an altogether different approach with their Plants with Novel Traits regulations. Australia is currently reviewing its Gene Technology Act. This article illustrates the deviation of the European Union's (EU's) approach from the one of most of the other countries studied here. Whereas the EU does not implement a case-by-case approach, this approach is taken by several other jurisdictions. Also, the EU court ruling adheres to a process-based approach while most other countries have a stronger emphasis on the regulation of the resulting product. It is concluded that, unless a functioning identity preservation system for products of directed mutagenesis can be established, the deviation results in a risk of asynchronous approvals and disruptions in international trade.

The Monetary Policy and The Exchange Rate Policy in China Index 1.The People's Bank of China 1.1 The history of The People's Bank of China 1.2 The role of The People's Bank of China 1.3 Internal departments 2.The Fiscal policy of china 3. The monetary policy of China 3.1 monetary policy 3.2 The Crisis over the last 10 years 3.3 independence of PBC 3.4 Taylor's rule in China 4. Comparison 4.1 Fed Reserve and ECB 4.2 Comparison of EU, US and China central banks and economies 5 The exchange rate policy of China 5.1 fixed exchange rate and floating exchange rate 5.2balance of international payments and capital mobility 5.3The policy ofChina 6 The future of CNY in the world arena 7.Can the CNY become a currency of international rank?

The increasing percentage of individuals aged 65 years and older and decreasing total fertility rate is contributing to European Union's demographic shift and increase in government expenditures. These changing demographics are calling for changes in macro-economic policies, particularly monetary policies. The increase in older population is placing a strain on governmental budgets calling for an increased expenditure on health care delivery, pensions, and long-term care. Just these factors alone are becoming a challenge for policy makers in the European Union, specifically, the EU-15 countries. Thus, measures need to be taken to curve the current macroeconomic environment based on the demographic shift that is taking place and it projected for the future of 2060. It is essential that economic and financial policy makers and leaders develop economic plans within the EU-countries that focus on increasing economic growth, maintaining inflation, sustaining savings and investments. This can be accomplished using the numerous policy recommendations that are described in the current research. In order to examine the factors of demographics influencing macroeconomics and analyse their impact on EU-15 countries individually and on a whole, empirical data was obtained from government agency statistical websites for EU-15 and individual countries comprising the group. The demographic data obtained was correlated with the economic data in order to establish a relationship. The statistical data was comprised of birth rate, total fertility rate, ageing population, youth population, unemployment, government expenditures, economic growth, capital, and inflation. After the completion of data analysis and review of academic literature, results and discussions were carried out in the present paper. This also included potential recommendations for a more effective improvement on the macro-economy of EU-15 countries.