Suchergebnisse

Predmet doktorske disertacije je upravljanje zunanjetrgovinske politike države ob upoštevanju delovanja nadnacionalnih entitet, pri čemer je naš osrednji cilj identificirati optimalen način realizacije nacionalnih interesov v okviru nadnacionalne entitete (tj. Evropske unije). Zunanjetrgovinska politika je eno izmed najstarejših ekonomskih področij, o katerem so tekle resne akademske razprave že v Antični Grčiji pred več kot 2000 leti. Vendar o razvoju svetovne trgovine kot sistematičnem globalnem načinu trgovanja govorimo šele od 15. stoletja dalje. Za boljše razumevanje področja v doktorski disertaciji najprej opredelimo teoretska izhodišča, v okviru katerih predstavimo teorije mednarodne menjave ter analiziramo vlogo države in ekonomske diplomacije skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja (merkantilizem, liberalizem, protekcionizem, intervencionizem ter obdobje liberalizacije in globalizacije). Kot najpomembnejše teoretično izhodišče od Davida Ricarda dalje identificiramo ugotovitev, da svet ni ničelna vsota – vse države z zunanjo trgovino pridobivajo. Kljub temu da so države skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja (glede na gospodarske razmere) vodile različne zunanjetrgovinske politike (protekcionistične ali liberalne), teorija in praksa potrjujeta, da liberalna zunanjetrgovinska politika povečuje konkurenčnost gospodarstva. Študije ekonomistov (Sachs in Warner 1995, 35 ; Frey v Pruslecki 2008, 5 ; Krueger 1980, 289) namreč kažejo, da države z liberalno zunanjetrgovinsko politiko dosegajo višjo gospodarsko rast od tistih s protekcionistično. Kot potrditev teze navajamo izsledke analiz, ki kažejo na višje stopnje gospodarske rasti v t. i. hitro rastočih gospodarstvih (državah BRIICS ‒ Braziliji, Rusiji, Indiji, Indoneziji, Kitajski in Južni Afriki). Slednje so na podlagi liberalizacije trgov v zadnjih dvajsetih letih dosegale višje stopnje gospodarske rasti od razvitih gospodarstev. Glede na to da je predmet disertacije zunanjetrgovinska politika v okviru Evropske unije (EU), ki jo Slovenija sooblikuje, se v okviru analize ukrepov osredotočimo na ukrepe zunanjetrgovinske politike EU, vlogo nacionalnih in nadnacionalnih (vladnih in nevladnih) akterjev ter povezavo vsebin z drugimi politikami. Ključni akterji v procesu formalnega delovanja na področju zunanjetrgovinske politike EU so: Evropska komisija (Direktorat za trgovino), Svet EU (Odbor za zunanjetrgovinsko politiko, Coreper in Svet za zunanje zadeve), Evropski parlament ter nevladni akterji (združenja, nevladne organizacije) kot nadnacionalni akterji in (vladni in nevladni) akterji na nacionalni ravni držav članic EU. Prioriteta zunanjetrgovinske politike EU je multilateralna zunanja trgovina, vzporedno pa potekajo pogajanja s številnimi državami oz. regijami za sklenitev preferencialnih trgovinskih sporazumov. Med ukrepi zunanjetrgovinske politike EU je pomembna še Strategija dostopa na trg, v okviru katere se dosegajo sinergije na podlagi okrepljenega partnerstva med Evropsko komisijo, državami članicami in gospodarstvom. Ugotavljamo, da postaja v obdobju globalizacije zunanjetrgovinska politika izrazito večplastna ter da izginjajo meje med zunanjimi in notranjimi politikami. Na primeru pogajanj t. i. Razvojne agende iz Dohe, ki potekajo v okviru Svetovne trgovinske organizacije, potrdimo tezo o prepletanju pogajanj na različnih ravneh (bilateralni, regionalni in multilateralni) in vsebinski povezanosti zunanjetrgovinske politike z drugimi politikami (z razvojno, s kmetijsko ipd.). Slednje potrjujejo tudi strateški dokumenti EU (Strategija Evropa 2020 ; Trgovina, rast in svetovne zadeve ter Globalna Evropa: konkurenčna v svetu), v katere je zunanjetrgovinska politika vključena kot pomemben sestavni del politike konkurenčnosti. ; The doctoral thesis focuses on a country's external trade policy management in relation to the processes witin subnational entities. Our main goal is to identify an optimal approach to realizing national interests in the context of a subnational entity (i.e., the European Union). External trade policy is one of the oldest economic policies. The first discussions on trade issues started among philosophers in Greece 2000 years ago, but global trade as a systematic process emerged in the 15th century. At the beginning of the doctoral thesis, the focus is on the theoretical background ‒ theories of external economic co-operation. We analyse the role of the state and economic diplomacy in different historical periods (mercantilism, liberalism, protectionism, interventionism, liberalisation and globalisation). The most important theoretical finding is (discovered by David Ricardo and confirmed in subsequent theories) that all states, engaged in external trade, gain (we talk about the so called positive sum). Although countries led different external trade policies during various historical periods (liberal or protectionist), theory and experience show that the liberal external trade policy increases competitiveness of an economy. Studies of several economists (Sachs and Warner 1995, 35 ; Frey 1984 ; Pruslecki 2008, 5 ; Krueger 1980, 289) also confirm, that countries with a liberal external trade policy record higher growth rates than those in favour of protectionism. Emerging economies (the so called BRIICS countries ‒ Brasil, Russia, India, Indonesia, China, and South Africa) record higher growth rates in the last twenty years – after liberalising their markets. We analyse the European Union (EU) external trade policy measures, the role of national and subnational (state and non-state) actors, and the interconnectedness of the external trade policy and other national policies. The key actors in the formal process of creating EU external trade policy are: European Commission (Directorate General for Trade), Council of the EU (Trade Policy Committee – formerly 133 Committee ; Coreper, Foreign Affairs Council), European Parliament, non-state actors (associations, non-governmental organisations (NGOs)) as well as actors in the member states (state and non state actors: ministries, diplomatic network, business associations, chambers of commerce, NGOs, etc.). The priority of the EU external trade policy is multilateral trade – successful conclusion of the WTO Doha Development Agenda. In parallel, EU is negotiating preferential trade agreements with several countries and regions. One of the most important trade policy measures is also Market Access Partnership, where active involvement of member states and the business sector is expected. Globalisation has changed the patterns of global economic co-operation and global trade. External trade has become more complex (linked to the competition, energy, environment and sustainable development policies) and the number of actors (state and non-state) involved in the policy has increased significantly. The boundaries between external and internal policies disappear as well. We show the interactions between different actors, negotiating levels, and policies on the World Trade Organisation Doha Development Agenda case, where the positions of the negotiations have to be agreed on at different levels: national, bilateral, regional, and multilateral. External trade policy is an important part of the EU strategic documents (Global Europe: competing in the world, EU 2020), and therefore an important element of the competitiveness policy. The thesis also confirms that the role of economic diplomacy in trade issues has gained importance during the last twenty years. Saner and Yiu (2003) argue that the main function of the post-modern economic diplomacy is representation in the international organisations and influence on other countries' policies.

Prispevek v luči slovenskega predsedovanja Svetu EU v prvi polovici leta 2008 predstavi institucijo Svet EU in organizacijske, posredniške, politične in nacionalne vloge, ki jih uresničuje predsedujoča država. Obravnavan je slovenski gozdno-politični okvir, ki vpliva na usmeritev za posamezno vlogo inpredstavljena teza, da sta za Slovenijo najpomembnejši organizacijska in nacionalna vloga. V okviru nacionalne vloge je pomembno pridobiti nove ideje za vsebino gozdne politike in znanja o procesu njenega oblikovanja na domači ravni in ravni Unije. ; In the light of the Slovenian presidency of the EU Council in the first half of the year 2008, the contribution presents the Council of the European Union (the EU Council) as an institution and the organizational, mediatory, political and national roles performed by the presiding state. The framework of the Slovenian forest policy is discussed, which influences the policy regarding each individual role, and the thesis presented by which the most important roles for Slovenia are the organizational and national role. Within the national role it is important to acquire new ideas regarding forest policyas well as the skills and knowledge regarding the drafting of forest policy on the level of the state and the EU.

Pojem administrativna ovira lahko razložimo kot nekaj, kar lahko posamezniku ali organizaciji onemogoča doseganje zastavljenih ciljev v njegovem vsakdanjem življenju. Posebno pozornost v magistrski nalogi smo tako namenili predstavitvi različnih evropskih programov, ki se ukvarjajo s problematiko zmanjševanja administrativnih ovir tako na nivoju EU, kot tudi na nacionalni ravni držav članic. V okviru magistrske naloge smo se osredotočili ravno na črpanje sredstev kohezijske politike EU ter na podlagi podatkov raziskave poskušali pokazati, kje se še možnosti za odpravo administrativnih ovir ter kje so tiste slabosti oz. ovire, ki jim do sedaj nismo pripisovali dovolj velike pozornosti, čeprav se v procesu administrativnega vodenja projektov z njimi vsakodnevno srečujemo. Na ta način bomo dosegli še dodatno poenostavitev postopkov in povečali uspešnost pri črpanju sredstev iz strukturnih skladov EU. V nalogi obravnavani raziskovalni problem, se nanaša na upravljanje s projekti v fazi njihovega izvajanja, v okviru katerega smo se osredotočili na administrativno in finančno poročanje. Z izvedeno raziskavo smo preučili tri sklope vprašanj, ki se nanašajo na administrativne ovire pri projektnem poročanju, organizacijsko strukturo kohezijske politike in rezultate uspešnosti Slovenije pri črpanju sredstev evropske kohezijske politike. Slovenija je primerljivo uspešna z drugimi evropskimi državami pri črpanju sredstev EU, kar smo v sklopu izvedene raziskave dokazali na podlagi analize absorbcijske uspešnosti kohezijske politike. Prav tako Slovenija izkazuje nizek delež administrativnih stroškov glede na ocenjene vrednosti povprečnega deleža bruto domačega proizvoda, ki ga predstavljajo administrativni stroški in je v tem kriteriju izmed primerjanih držav najuspešnejša. S problemom črpanja evropskih sredstev so se ukvarjale vse zadnje slovenske vlade, zlasti v finančni krizi pa so nekako končno priznale, da so to pravzaprav edina dodatna razvojna sredstva, ki jih država lahko pridobi, od njene usmerjenosti in absorbcijske sposobnosti pa je hkrati tudi odvisno, kako uspešno jih bo uspela počrpati. ; The concept of an administrative burden can be explained as something that makes it impossible for an individual or organization to achieve the objectives pursued in their everyday life. Special focus of this master thesis is dedicated to the presentation of different European programs which deal with the problem of reducing administrative burdens at the EU level and also at the national level of individual Member States. The present master thesis focuses particularly on the absorbtion of funds of the EU cohesion policy, and on the basis of the research data attempts to show where there is still potential for the reduction of administrative burdens and where there are those weaknesses or barriers that have not yet received enough attention, although we face them daily in the process of administrative management. In this way we can achieve further simplification of the procedures and enhance efficiency in the disbursement of funding from the EU Structural Funds. The research problem of the thesis relates to the management of projects at the stage of their implementation, in which we focus on administrative and financial reporting. During the survey we considered three main questions related to administrative burdens in the phase of project reporting, organizational structure of the cohesion policy and on the results of the Slovenian performance in the absorbtion of EU cohesion policy funds. Slovenia shares comparable success with other European countries in absorbing EU funds, which was proved on the basis of the analysis of absorbtion efficiency of the Cohesion policy carried out in the framework of this research. Slovenia also shows a considerably low share of administrative costs in relation to the estimated value of the average share of the gross domestic product represented by these administrative costs. In terms of this criterion Slovenia is the most successful country from the countries we compared. All the recent Slovenian Governments have dealt with issues relating to the absorbtion of European funds, especially during the last financial crisis, when they finally recognized that these funds are actually the only additionally available developmental funds the state can obtain. The state's orientation and absorbtion capacity will thus show how successful it will be in the future in absorbing these funds.

Mednarodno sodelovanje držav članic Evropske unije je izrednega pomena za učinkovito delovanje Unije. Predvsem pa je ključnega pomena za kakovost življenja ljudi znotraj držav članic. Eno izmed pomembnejših področij sodelovanja, ki zagotavlja kakovost življenja in varnost državljanov, je sodelovanje med policijami držav. Dotično sodelovanje ni samo pomembno, ampak že kar nujno glede na globalne razsežnosti kriminalitete. Države članice priznavajo varnost svojih državljanov kot eno od glavnih vrednot in pravic. Z namenom zaščite te pravice in omejevanja kriminalitete je Evropska unija sprejela razne instrumente, ukrepe in pravne okvire na področju mednarodnega policijskega sodelovanja. Pomembno je tudi delovanje raznih agencij Evropske unije, katerih namen je krepitev in usmerjanje sodelovanja med policijami držav članic. Primeri tovrstnih agencij so na primer Europol, Interpol, Sirene, Frontex, odbor COSI, SEPA, CEPOL itd. V nalogi je predstavljena tudi vloga in delovanje Slovenije v omenjenih agencijah ter njene aktivnosti na področju policijskega sodelovanja. To poteka na različne načine in na raznih področjih. Načine, oblike in področja sodelovanja sem poskušala predstaviti na primeru policijskega sodelovanja med Slovenijo in Italijo. ; The international cooperation of the Member States of the European Union is of utmost importance for the effective functioning of the Union. Above all, it is crucial for the quality of life of people within Member States. One of the most important areas of cooperation that guarantees the quality of life and the safety of citizens is the cooperation between the police of the countries. The cooperation in question is not only important, but rather necessary, given the global dimension of criminality. Member States recognize the safety of their citizens as one of the main values and rights. In order to protect this right and to limit criminality, the European Union has adopted various instruments, measures and legal frameworks in the field of international police cooperation. It is also important that the various European Union agencies work to strengthen and direct cooperation between the police of the Member States. Examples of such agencies include Europol, Interpol, Sirene, Frontex, COSI, SEPA, CEPOL, etc. The paper also presents the role of Slovenia in these agencies and its activities in the area of police cooperation. This is done in a variety of ways and in various fields. I tried to present ways, forms and areas of cooperation in the case of police cooperation between Slovenia and Italy.

The focus of this article is on the rise of populism and Euroscepticism in the context of the crisis of
liberal internationalism and of the EU in particular.
The article considers the view that the weak integration
of Slovenian–EU politics makes the country vulnerable
to this trend. Modern-nationalist, postmodern-cosmopolitan and faux-modern-partially modernised variations of populism are explored. The research draws on
public opinion surveys, party manifestos, focus groups
with party supporters, and interviews with mediators
in elite and popular debates. The dominant modern
economist/functionalist view of the EU is shown to have
fed into different framings in line with the underlying
thick ideologies. On the right, this has been a retro-modern nationalist reaction to the EU's overly progressive
policy and polity, with certain illiberal faux-modern elements like authoritarianism and ethno cultural exclusivism. On the left, it has reinforced the already existing contradictions with (neo)liberalism on the level of
politics, leaving the post-modern post-nationalist framing detached from the EU's polity and policy. The article
offers some proposals for better integrating the EU politics in Slovenia.
Keywords: EU, Euroscepticism, populism, illiberalism,
Slovenia, public opinion, political parties

Magistrska naloga je posvečena poglobljeni obravnavi evropskih vrednot. Vrednote demokracije, pravne države in svobode na samem začetku evropske integracije niso bile popolnoma pozabljene, niso pa tudi zavzemale osrednjega mesta v razpravah o evropski unifikaciji. Večja pozornost jim je bila posvečena šele v devetdesetih letih, ko jih prvič posredno zasledimo v členu F Maastrichtske pogodbe in nekoliko kasneje v 6. členu Amsterdamske pogodbe. Svoboda, demokracija, vladavina prava in človekove pravice so bile sprva omenjene kot načela Evropske unije in so bile šele z novo terminologijo v 2. členu Lizbonske pogodbe (PEU-Liz) preimenovane v vrednote Evropske unije. V okviru naloge sem raziskala, v katerih evropskih dokumentih zasledimo omembo vrednot, kako so se te vrednote skozi čas razvijale in kakšen je njihov pomen v evropskem prostoru. Nadalje sem vrednote, zapisane v 2. členu PEU-Liz, nekoliko bolj podrobno razčlenila, pri tem pa nisem pozabila tudi na vrednoto miru, ki sicer ni našteta med vrednotami 2. člena, a predstavlja temelj evropskega povezovanja, brez katerega nadaljnji razvoj evropskih vrednot ne bi bil možen. Na koncu sem se poglobila še v zunanjo politiko Evropske unije in preučila, kako evropske vrednote učinkujejo v razmerju s tretjimi državami, ki niso članice Evropske unije. Analizirala sem tako pozitivno kot negativno plat širjena evropskih vrednot pod okriljem univerzalnosti in v tem kontekstu ovrednotila različne teorije o razvoju evropskih vrednot preko skupne in zunanje politike EU. ; This master's thesis is dedicated to an in-depth examination of European values. At the beginning of the European integration, values of democracy, the rule of law and liberty were not completely forgotten, but neither did they occupy a prominent position in discussions on European unification. More attention was paid to them later in the 1990s, firstly indirectly acknowledged in Article F of the Maastricht Treaty and later in Article 6 of the Amsterdam Treaty. Freedom, democracy, the rule of law and human rights were originally referred to as the principles of the European Union and were renamed as values only later in the new terminology of Article 2 of the Treaty of Lisbon (TEU-Liz). As part of my assignment, I reviewed in which European documents we can find the notion of values, how they evolved over time and what is their special significance in the European area. Furthermore, I comprehensively analysed the values laid down in Article 2 of the TEU-Liz, among which I also mentioned the value of peace which, incidentally, is not mentioned in Article 2, but represents the foundation of European integration without which further advancement of European values would not be possible. Finally, I expanded my research into the area of EU common foreign and security policy, where I investigated the impact of proliferation of European values in relation to third countries, states which are not members of the European Union. I analysed positive as well as negative aspects of the spread of European values under the auspices of universality and in this context, I examined the various theories regarding the expansion of European values through EU's common foreign and security policy.

Abstract. The study tries to discover to what extent knowledge of the local language of a diplomat's host country, and language skills generally, are considered while selecting candidates for EU delegation heads in the European External Action Service. With this aim, the study examines possible correlations between languages spoken by the EU delegation heads and the official languages in their respective host countries. It is concluded that a correlation often exists between the language(s), and especially mother tongues, spoken by the EU delegation heads and the official language(s) in the countries to which they are posted and, thus, a candidate's knowledge of the host country's official language is usually taken into account in the selection of candidates for EU delegation heads, although this criterion seems to carry different weight for candidates from various EU member countries. Keywords: EEAS, heads of EU delegations, EEAS staffing policy, EU diplomacy, languages in diplomacy

Abstract. The article considers whether the EU's CSDP
missions are a suitable crisis management mechanism
for post-conflict situations, along with the EU's relevance in crisis management at all. For this purpose, the
EU's biggest CSDP civilian mission EULEX was chosen
as a research case study. The research results reveal that
EULEX has not implemented its mandate, not met the
expectations of security consumers, not made any difference on the ground, and cannot be seen as an example the EU should rely on in its future missions. Further,
EULEX shows that CSDP missions suffer from many
shortfalls and the EU CFSP from a capability–expectations gap. The article concludes that the EULEX mission
does not show the EU's relevance in the crisis management of post-conflict situations.

Evropska sosedska politika (v nadaljevanju ESP) je politika urejanja odnosov s sosednjimi državami EU, ki jim ni bilo ponujeno članstvo v EU. Na Južnem Kavkazu, kjer so po letu 1991 nastale države Azerbajdžan, Gruzija, Armenija, se je sosedska politika okrepila po letu 2003, ko se je spremenila politična struktura v Gruziji in, ko se je s pridružitvijo Romunije in Bolgarije EU širila še bolj proti vzhodu. Velik del »evropeizacije« te regije temelji na širjenju pojma EU »kot edino pravega« razvoja družbe s pomočjo človekovih pravic in svoboščin, demokracije, liberalizacije, urejenega pravnega reda in prostovoljnega skupnega sodelovanja ter na postopni integraciji teh držav v politični, pravni in gospodarski red EU. V magistrski nalogi iščem odgovor na vprašanje ali je ta način promocije evropskih vrednot učinkovit za povezovanje z vsemi sosednjimi državami ali pa utegne imeti negativne posledice v odnosih z njimi. S pravno, gospodarsko in politično analizo evropske sosedske politike v Armeniji, Gruziji in Azerbajdžanu, spoznavanjem njenih prednosti in slabosti, ugotavljam perspektive za prihodnji razvoj. Za oblikovanje ključnih vidikov povezovanja je pomembno poznavanje zgodovinskih, etničnih, geografskih, kulturnih in političnih razlik ter poznavanje problematike območij z velikim varnostnim tveganjem kot so Gorski Karabah, Južna Osetija in Abhazija. Države Armenija, Azerbajdžan in Gruzija se nahajajo na pomembnem območju, kjer se prepletajo geostrateški interesi Rusije, ZDA, Turčije, Irana in v zadnjem času tudi Kitajske. EU se srečuje z novimi izzivi, med katerimi vedno večjo vlogo igra njena sosedska politika do tretjih držav. Ker je v primeru Južnega Kavkaza splošno zaznati obširnost evropskih virov, t. j. dogovorov in politik (pridružitveni sporazumi, sporazumi o partnerstvu in sodelovanju, finančni instrumenti, Vzhodno partnerstvo, Sinergija Črnega morja, sporazumi po sektorjih), v nalogi ugotavljam, ali bi bilo potrebno vzpostaviti enotnejšo in s tem preglednejšo sosedsko politiko do vsake posamezne države. ; The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) is an instrument for governing relations with the EU's neighbourhood countries which are not to become members of the EU. In the South Caucasus, where Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia declared independence in 1991, the ENP was strengthened after 2003 with change of political structure in Georgia and after EU's enlargement further to the east with joinder of Romania and Bulgaria. A big part of Europeanisation of this region is based on promotion of the EU's values as being »the only right way« of developing societies, through strengthening human rights and liberties, democracy, liberalisation, the rule of law, voluntary cooperation and gradual integration of these countries into the EU's political, legal and economic framework. In this master's thesis I am looking for an answer to a question whether such way of promoting European values will result in cooperation with all the neighbouring countries or whether it might bring negative consequences in the EU's relationship with them. With legal, economic and political analysis of the ENP in Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan and with identification of the ENP's advantages and disadvantages, I am trying to find possibilities for its further development. Understanding historic, ethnic, geographic, cultural and political differences and understanding problems coming from areas considered major security risks, such as Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia and Abkhazia, is important for developing key areas of cooperation. Countries Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia are located in the important area where geostrategic interests of Russia, USA, Turkey, Iran and recently China intersect. The EU has been facing new challenges, one of them being the increasing importance of its policy towards the neighbouring countries. As there has been a significant amount of European sources, such as arrangements and politics (e.g. association agreements, partnership and cooperation agreements, financial instruments, Eastern Partnership, Black Sea Synergy, sectoral agreements) in the South Caucasus, I am discussing in this thesis whether there should be a more unified and consequently more transparent neighbourhood policy for each partner country.

Notions of the power associated with the European Union's foreign policy and its role in international relations are mostly liberal in origin. This explains the EU's special role in the Cold War era and that it has since emerged more as a moral, ethical and normative power. The EU's lack of military capability has probably been the main cause that prevents it from acting as a great or superpower. The distinction between materialistic and immaterial elements of power has been a crucial point of contention between realists and liberal thinkers. In international relations, we are also witnessing the trend of the EU increasingly using the geopolitical approach (such as in the Ukrainian crisis) besides the normative one. In the article, different concepts of EU foreign policy regarding power in the light of realism and liberalism are compared where, alongside the descriptive method, a SWOT analysis is performed. Keywords: realism, liberalism, power, European Union, Ukraine, foreign policy, international relations

Makroregionalne strategije Evropske unije (EU), kot orodje kohezijske politike, predstavljajo celosten okvir, katerega namen je reševanje skupnih izzivov, ki se pojavljajo na določenem geografskem območju. Državam članicam EU, kot tudi tretjim državam, je tako omogočeno skupno spopadanje s težavami in večji izkoristek skupnih potencialov. Naloga temelji na predpostavki, da sodelovanje držav Zahodnega Balkana (ZB) znotraj makroregionalnih strategij pripomore k njihovemu lažjemu vključevanju v EU. Namen naloge je proučiti usklajenost makroregionalnih strategij EU in širitvene politike EU ter prispevati k razumevanju zunanje dimenzije kohezijske politike. V teoretičnem delu naloge opredelim ključne koncepte s področja zunanjepolitičnega delovanja EU. V empiričnem delu najprej preverim koherentnost makroregionalnih strategij EU in širitvene politike z vidika ciljev in sredstev teh politik. Nato s primerjalno analizo koherentnost teh dveh politik merim z vidika napredka držav ZB pri pristopnih poglavjih glede na posamezna vsebinska področja makroregionalnih strategij. Usklajenost ciljev in sredstev makroregionalnih strategij in širitvene politike, možnost koriščenja znanja, pridobljenega na podlagi sodelovanja znotraj makroregionalnih strategij pri pristopnem procesu držav ZB ter ne nazadnje viden napredek pri pristopnem procesu pokaže, da makroregionalne strategije krepijo pristopni proces držav k EU. ; The European Union's (EU) macro-regional strategies, as the cohesion policy tool, represent an integrated framework aimed at addressing the common challenges that arise in a given geographical area. This allows EU Member States, as well as third countries, to tackle problems together and make greater use of their common potential. The thesis is based on the assumption that the participation of the countries of the Western Balkans (WB) within macro-regional strategies helps to facilitate their integration into the EU. The aim is to examine the coherence between EU macro-regional strategies and the EU enlargement process and to contribute to the understanding of the external dimension of the cohesion policy. In the theoretical part of the thesis, I define key concepts in the field of EU foreign policy action. In the empirical part, I first check the coherence of the EU macro-regional strategies and enlargement policy in terms of goals and means of these policies. Then with a comparative analysis I measure the coherence of these two policies in terms of progress of WB countries in accession chapters according to individual content areas of macro-regional strategies. The coherence of the goals and means of macro-regional strategies and enlargement policy, the possibility of using the knowledge gained through cooperation within macro-regional strategies in the accession process of WB countries and last but not least visible progress in the accession progress show that macro-regional strategies are strengthening EU accession process.

Nasprotno prevladujoči obravnavi Turčije kot najstarejše kandidatke za članstvo v Evropski uniji (EU) in turški zunanjepolitični strategiji do Zahodnega Balkana, ki predvideva delovanje kot partnerica EU, to delo analizira Turčijo kot neodvisnega zunanjepolitičnega akterja. Na podlagi dveh raziskovalnih vprašanj o normativnih elementih turške zunanjepolitične strategije preverjam hipotezo, da zaradi t. i. plitke evropeizacije na Zahodnem Balkanu po letu 2009 prihaja do večanja turškega normativnega vpliva v tej regiji. Kot kontrolno spremenljivko obravnavam deklaratorni odmik EU od širitve na Zahodni Balkan leta 2014. V teoretskem delu naloge konceptualiziram normativni zunanjepolitični vpliv in izdelam lasten analitični model normativnih elementov zunanjepolitične strategije. Po opisu zgodovinskega konteksta zunanjepolitičnega delovanja EU in Turčije na Zahodnem Balkanu v empiričnem delu sledi največji doprinos naloge k znanosti: analiza in interpretacija primarnega dokumenta – zunanjepolitične strategije Turčije (Disisleri Bakanligi, 2018), za katero sem zagotovil prvi prevod v angleščino. Nato še identificiram in analiziram zunanjepolitične akcije Turčije, pri katerih merim normativni vpliv na družbe, trge in države regije in ga kritično ovrednotim. Ugotavljam, da ni mogoče sklepati na večji normativni vpliv Turčije v regiji zaradi plitke evropeizacije. Normativni vpliv Turčije na države je bil namreč največji med leti 2009–2012, ko je z mediacijo v srbskem delu Sandžaka in vzpostavitvijo tripartitne platforme dosegla željen ugled velike sile iz otomanskih časov. Vendar pa po letu 2013 ta vpliv upade, saj nekatere države regije izražajo večja nasprotovanja turškim zunanjepolitičnim vrednotam ali uporabljenim sredstvom. Normativni vpliv na trge in na družbe regije je sicer konstanten ; prek agencije TIKA, inštituta Yunus Emre, verske institucije Diyanet in TV nadaljevank Turčija promovira svoje družbene vrednote: muslimanska vera, diaspora, patriarhalnost in ugled velike sile. ; Contrary to the dominant consideration of Turkey as the oldest candidate for membership in the European Union (EU) and Turkey's foreign policy strategy towards the Western Balkans, which envisions acting as the EU's partner, this work analyzes Turkey as an independent foreign-policy actor. On the basis of two research questions on the normative elements of the Turkish foreign policy strategy, I am testing a hypothesis that after 2009, due to the shallow Europeanization in the Western Balkans, one observes an increase of the Turkish normative influence in this region. As a control variable, I consider the declaratory withdrawal of the EU from Western Balkans enlargement efforts in 2014. In the theoretical part of the thesis, I conceptualize the normative foreign policy influence and construct my own analytical model of the normative elements of the foreign policy strategy. Following the description of the historical context of the EU and Turkey's foreing policy in the Western Balkans, the empirical part is followed by the biggest contribution of this thesis to science: analysis and interpretation of the primary document - Turkey's foreign policy strategy (Disisleri Bakanligi, 2018), for which I provided the first translation into English. I then identify and analyze Turkey's foreign policy actions, where I measure the normative influence on societies, markets and countries of the region, and offer its critical evaluation. Findings show that it is not possible to ascertain that shallow Europeanization causes greater normative influence of Turkey in the region. Turkey's normative influence on the countries was the largest between 2009-2012, when, through mediation in the Serbian part of Sandžak and the establishment of a tripartite platform, when the state achieved the desired reputation of a great power from Ottoman times. However, after 2013, this impact declined, as some countries in the region are more likely to oppose Turkey's foreign policy values or application of instruments. The normative impact on the markets and on the societies of the region is constant ; through TIKA Agency, Yunus Emre Institute, religious institution Diyanet and TV series Turkey promotes its social values: Muslim faith, diaspora, patriarchate and reputation of great power.

Cilj magistrskega dela je ugotoviti, ali je skupna zunanja in varnostna politika Evropske unije primeren okvir za izvajanje mirovnih operacij. V prvem sklopu sem preučil pogodbeni razvoj, institucionalni okvir ter glavni strateški dokument SVOP. V drugem sklopu sem se osredotočil na same vojaške operacije SVOP, v okviru katerega sem preučil zgodovino in razvoj operacij, vpliv vojaških operacij na podobo EU kot varnostnega akterja ter način planiranja in financiranja vojaških operacij. Na koncu drugega sklopa sem izpostavil tudi ključne izzive, ki se pojavljajo pri vzpostavljanju in izvajanju mirovnih operacij v sklopu SVOP. V tretjem sklopu sem se osredotočil na operacijo EUFOR Althea. V začetku sklopa na kratko opišem zgodovino samega konflikta in predstavim grožnje varnosti in stabilnosti Bosne in Hercegovine, nato pa se osredotočim na samo operacijo in opišem njen mandat, proces planiranja, obseg sil in njihovo organizacijo ter naloge, ki jih izvajajo. Tudi v tem sklopu na koncu izpostavim pomanjkljivosti in kritike, ki so se pojavile skozi obdobje izvajanja operacije. Pri analizi operacije Althea sem ugotovil, da se le-ta giblje med delno uspešno in uspešno. Pri primernosti SZVP za izvajanje mirovnih operacij sem ugotovil, da ima ta za izvajanje res širokega spektra mirovnih operacij kar nekaj pomanjkljivosti. Ker sta SZVP in z njo SVOP medvladne narave, je opaziti, da se področja, ki so v pristojnosti samih institucij EU, razvijajo hitreje od področij, na katerih imajo večjo prisotnost same države članice. Moja glavna ugotovitev je, da je SZVP primerna predvsem za izvajanje manjših in manj intenzivnih mirovnih operacij. ; The aim of the master's thesis is to determine whether the common foreign and security policy of the European Union is an appropriate framework for the launching of peacekeeping operations. The first content set analyses the contractual development, institutional framework, and the main strategic document of CSDP. In the second set, I focus on the CSDP military operations. In this context, I examine the history and development of operations, the impact of military operations on the image of the EU as a security actor, and the way in which military operations are planned and financed. At the end of the second set, I also point out the key challenges that arise in the establishment and implementation of CSDP peacekeeping operations. In the third set, I focus on the EUFOR Althea operation. At the beginning of this final set, I briefly describe the history of the conflict and the threats to security and stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina, followed by the focus on the operation itself—its mandate, planning process, force and organization as well as the tasks carried out. Furthermore, this section points out the shortcomings and criticisms that arise during the course of operation. Analysing operation Althea, I have found out that it ranges from semi-successful to successful. With regard to the suitability of CFSP for the conduct of peacekeeping operations, I have found that it has quite a few shortcomings for the conduct of a considerably wide array of peacekeeping operations. As CFSP and CSDP are intergovernmental in nature, it can be observed that the areas under the responsibility of the EU institutions are evolving faster than the areas where the majority of the responsibility lies upon the member states. My main finding is that CFSP is particularly suitable for carrying out smaller and less intensive peacekeeping operations.

Magistrsko delo je osredotočeno na področje zanesljive oskrbe z energijo, ki zraven trajnosti in konkurenčnosti predstavlja enega izmed treh ključnih ciljev evropske energetske politike. Natančneje opredeljuje gospodarski pomen in cilje zanesljive oskrbe, tveganja, povezana z zanesljivo oskrbo, kakor tudi Akcijski načrt EU za varnost preskrbe in solidarnost pri preskrbi z energijo. Zanesljivost oskrbe je eden izmed ključnih ciljev energetske politike Evropske unije (v nadaljevanju EU), zato je posebna pozornost namenjena tudi evropski energetski politiki, njenemu nastanku, ciljem in potencialnim ukrepom kakor tudi trenutnemu stanju in izzivom energetike v EU. Slednja se danes namreč sooča z vrsto izzivov, med katerimi največji izziv predstavlja visoka uvozna odvisnost, zato je bistveno, da EU ukrepa zdaj in s skupnimi močmi, da bi si zagotovila konkurenčno, trajnostno in predvsem zanesljivo oskrbo z energijo. V ta namen si pospešeno prizadeva oblikovati skupno energetsko politiko. Ker je tudi Slovenija članica EU, magistrsko delo podrobneje predstavlja tudi izhodišča in cilje energetske politike Slovenije, zanesljivost oskrbe v Sloveniji ter njene cilje in pomen. Praktični del magistrskega dela analizira energetsko uvozno odvisnost EU in Slovenije ter vlogo obnovljivih virov energije (v nadaljevanju OVE) pri zagotavljanju zanesljive oskrbe. S pomočjo statistične primerjave, obogatene s tabelaričnimi in grafičnimi prikazi, so predstavljeni proizvodnja, viri in poraba energije v EU in v Sloveniji, kar je osnova za nadaljnjo analizo, tj. analizo uvozne odvisnosti kot glavnega pokazatelja zanesljivosti oskrbe. Predstavljena je vloga OVE pri zagotavljanju zanesljive oskrbe z energijo, hkrati pa so analizirani dejavniki, ki povzročajo razlike med državami članicami EU glede izkoriščanja OVE. Posebna pozornost je namenjena tudi napovedim za prihodnost na ravni EU kot tudi v Sloveniji. Na ravni EU sta podrobneje analizirana dva scenarija, ki analizirata evropske energetske trende do leta 2030, t. i. referenčni scenarij in scenarij Baseline 2009. Za napovedovanje energetske prihodnosti Slovenije pa so natančneje predstavljene in analizirane dolgoročne energetske bilance do leta 2030, izdelane za več scenarijev. Poseben poudarek je na projekcijah kazalnikov za spremljanje zanesljivosti oskrbe v Sloveniji. Za boljše razumevanje sta na začetku magistrskega dela predstavljena nastanek in razvoj EU ter v okviru tega Slovenija kot članica EU. ; Master's thesis is focused on the area of security of energy supply, which is next to sustainability and competitiveness one of the key objectives of the European energy policy. It specifies the economic importance of the objectives of security of supply, and the risks associated with the supply, as well as the EU Energy Security and Solidarity Action Plan. As already stated, the security of supply is one of the key objectives of EU energy policy, therefore, special attention is also given to the creation of the European energy policy, its objectives and potential actions, as well as the current situation and challenges of the energy sector in the EU. Today the EU is facing with number of challenges, among which the biggest challenge is the high import dependency, so it is essential for Europe to take action now and work together to ensure a competitive, sustainable and above all, reliable energy supply. To this end, the EU accelerated its efforts to develop a common energy policy. Because Slovenia is also a member of the EU, master's thesis also presents origins and objectives of the Slovenian energy policy, security of supply in Slovenia and its objectives and importance. In its practical part master's thesis focuses on the analysis of the energy import dependence of the EU and the Republic of Slovenia and the role of renewable energy sources (RES) to ensure security of supply. With the help of statistical comparisons, enriched with tabular and graphic representations are presented production and consumption of energy in the EU and Slovenia, which is the basis for further analysis, i.e. analysis of import dependence, as the main indicator of security of supply. It is also presented the role of RES in providing security of energy supply, and analyzed the factors that cause differences between the EU Member States on the exploitation of RES. Special attention is also given to the predictions for the future, both at EU level as well as in Slovenia. At EU level two scenarios to analyse the Europe's energy trends by 2030 are presented, the so-called reference scenario and baseline 2009 scenario. To predict the energy future of Slovenia long-term energy balances by 2030, designed for more scenarios, are presented and analyzed. Special emphasis is placed on the projected indicators for monitoring the security of supply in Slovenia. For a better understanding of master's thesis is at the beginning also presented the formation and development of the EU as well as Slovenia, as an EU member.