Apart from the former EFTA members (Iceland, Lichtenstein, Norway and Switzerland) and afew former republics of the Soviet Union (Bjelorussia, Moldova and Ukraina) the countries ofthe Western Balkans are the only European states outside of the European Union. They are verykeen to join the Union. The Balkans have always been the poorest part of Europe. The appeal ofthe wealthy European Union is apparent. Access to the largest market in the world, investment,modern technologies and generous regional funds give a hope that by joining the EU the WesternBalkans countries will join the rich club. At the moment performance of the Western Balkancountries does not guarantee that they will become rich by joining the European Union. Theircurrent production and trade structure makes it likely that the Western Balkan countries will belocked in inter-industry trade in which they will export products of low and medium technologicaland developmental level and import products of high technological and developmental level. Thismight lead to divergence rather than convergence between them and the European Union. Inother to overcome this problem the Western Balkan countries need to conduct radical reformsin the public sector, fiscal policy, industrial trade and investment policy. They also need to tacklecorruption, simplify administrative procedure, strenghten property rights and the lawful state. Allthis with the aim to change economic structure and shift from achievements of the second andthird to fourth technological revolution. Only if these reforms are successfuly implemented theWestern Balkan countries can hope to avoid the Greek scenario and possibly experience the Irishscenario.
EU Enlargement Policy, one of the newest EU policies created during the last decade of the 20th century, is facing a very difficult period of its development, similar to the challenges facing the EU today. This Policy has been under constant evolution on the basis of experiences with the new Member States, and it has been closely connected with the wider context of European Integration of the Member States. In this article we present an overview of the major challenges for the Union as well as for candidate countries and to point out that there is no good reason why, even in the crisis situation, enlargement should not be continued. It is, we argue, part of the solution to the problems of EU, and not yet another problem. ; Politika proširenja EU, jedna od novijih politika Unije nastala tokom devedesetih godina, u velikoj meri proživljava veoma težak period koji je opšte obeležje izazova sa kojima se danas suočava EU. Ona se tokom vremena konstantno uobličavala na osnovama iskustava sa novim članicama i uvek je bila u uskoj vezi sa širim kontekstom evropskih integracija država članica EU. U ovom članku smo pokušali da prikažemo osnovne izazove za Uniju, ali i za države kandidate regiona Zapadnog Balkana, i da ukažemo da nema nijednog valjanog razloga zašto, čak i uslovima krize u EU, nastavak proširenja ne bi trebalo da bude posmatran kao deo rešenja, a ne kao deo problema.
After the Lisbon Treaty has entered into force, the process of concluding treaties between the EU and third countries or international organizations has sustained significant changes. The most important procedural novelty is the establishment of the ordinary procedure that covers almost all agreements the EU concludes with third parties. Under the Lisbon Treaty, this procedure involves a number of stages: negotiations, signing the agreement, and decision to conclude the agreement. For agreements whose subject matter exclusively or predominantly falls into the domain of common foreign and security policy, there are several derogations from the uniform rules of the ordinary procedure. The same provision of the founding treaty regulates the procedures for amending and suspending the agreement in force, as well as the judicial control procedure of those agreements that are yet to be concluded. The ordinary procedure does not cover two subject-specific proceedings pertaining to relatively narrow areas of EU action. More specifically, they refer to the conclusion of agreements in the area of common trade policy and agreements on the exchange rate of the Euro against the currencies of non-member states. The exclusion of trade agreements is probably the result of the differences that still exist in the division of competencies between the Member States and the EU regarding trade in the area of some services. On the other hand, the enactment of a special procedure for agreements on the Euro exchange rate in relation to the national currency rates of third countries stems from the need to ensure the Union's unique position in this field. On the institutional level, the most important actors in the process of concluding EU agreements are the Council, the Commission and the European Parliament. The Council has retained the central role in all types of treaty procedures, and it decides on essential issues related to the course and outcome of the process. The Commission has retained the major role in initiating and negotiating the agreements, but it is no longer the exclusive initiator and negotiator in the agreement process. Namely, depending on the subject of the treaty, new entrants in that role are the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and the European Central Bank. The European Parliament has strengthened its position in the procedure for concluding EU agreements and can, therefore, be considered the largest 'net' winner of the Lisbon Treaty reform. This is partly due to its new role in the course of negotiations, which implies the right to be immediately and fully informed about all stages of the proceedings, but to a much greater extent it refers to the powers that this body has in the final stage preceding the conclusion of the agreement. Finally, the EU Court of Justice has an important role in this process; its task is to control the compliance of the EU agreements with the founding treaties prior to their conclusion.
For the last few years, the German foreign policy has been under constant temptations and substantial reconsideration. The key role in resolving the difficult economic and financial crises in the EU, the development of close economic ties with the Russian and other rising world economic powers, the decision to sustain in the UN Security Council in deciding to authorise the use of force in Libya, as well as the dominant attitude towards the crises in Greece and Kosovo clearly shows the wish of Germany to pursue a more independent foreign policy. In spite of all these efforts and its huge economic power, Germany has failed to become a global political power. Moreover, in order to protect and develop its trade interests Germany must remain within the frameworks of the EU and the NATO. For a long time, Germany has been one of Serbia's most important economic and political partners. Since it is realistic to expect that Germany will be more oriented towards developing its economic ties with the new world economic powers, the Western Balkans and Serbia will not be in the focus of its foreign and economic policies. Therefore, for Serbia, it will be useful to concentrate on the cooperation with the mighty German provinces that have their interests in developing this cooperation. In the future, the Kosovo issues will remain the main obstacle to it.
The impact of the EU on the implementation of the policy of equal opportunities for women can be seen from harmonization of legislation and construction of institutions for protection of women's rights, and through participation of women in decision-making processes. The first part of the article discusses the theoretical framework for research the effects of institutionalization of gender equality in the EU. In the second section the institutional and legal framework are represented as a part of the global strategy aimed at achieving gender equality. The problems dealt with in the third part of the article concerning the presence of women at different levels of decision-making in the European Union. The newest data base from gender research for European Commission and European Parliament is used for this research. Index of Gender Equality (EIGE) shows that there are huge differences between Member States and that the EU is only halfway to achieving gender equality. Therefore, the integration of gender perspective in all fields and searching for measures to achieve higher level of gender equality are the focal points in EU gender politics.
The impact of the EU on the implementation of the policy of equal opportunities for women can be seen from harmonization of legislation and construction of institutions for protection of women's rights, and through participation of women in decision-making processes. The first part of the article discusses the theoretical framework for research the effects of institutionalization of gender equality in the EU. In the second section the institutional and legal framework are represented as a part of the global strategy aimed at achieving gender equality. The problems dealt with in the third part of the article concerning the presence of women at different levels of decision-making in the European Union. The newest data base from gender research for European Commission and European Parliament is used for this research. Index of Gender Equality (EIGE) shows that there are huge differences between Member States and that the EU is only halfway to achieving gender equality. Therefore, the integration of gender perspective in all fields and searching for measures to achieve higher level of gender equality are the focal points in EU gender politics.
Европска унија представља по много чему специфичну међународну организацију. Њено основно и препознатљиво обележје је наднационалност у креирању и спровођењу јавних политика. Настала удруживањем ресурса угља и челика брзо је прерасла у зону слободне трговине и сарадњу држава чланица у питањима као што је атомска енергије. Европска интеграција од свог почетка до данас зна искључиво за проширење чланства и повећање броја области сарадње на добровољној основи. Да ли ће међународне околности у којима се ЕУ налази данас и односи са другим међународним организацијама одбрамбеног карактера допринети већој интеграцији држава чланица ЕУ у домену одбране основна је тема овог рада. Трагање за различитим сценаријима развоја заједничке безбедносне политике ЕУ зависи пре свега од међународне институционалне и безбедносне архитектуре у Европи и свету, историјско политичких трендова у развоју европске интеграције, правног оквира ЕУ и међународног стратегијског окружења. Савремене међународне организације, посебно оне са преовлађујућим обележјима наднационалности (у конкретном случају ЕУ) имају тенденцију да у области одбране и безбедности комбинују наднационална обележја са међувладиним у покушају да што ефективније искористе структуру организације за остваривање њених циљева и интереса, али без већег преноса надлежности са држава чланица на саму организацију. ; The European Union represents in many ways a specific international organization. Its basic and recognizable feature is that of supranational policy and decision making. It was created by pooling the resources of coal and steel which had quickly developed into a free trade zone and ever closer Union in many policy areas. European integration from its inception to the present days was all about expanding membership and increasing the number of areas of cooperation. Namely widening and deepening of the EU was on the agenda. Will the current international circumstances and relations with other international defense organizations contribute to deepening integration in the field of defense is to be researched in this work. Search for different scenarios in the development of EU Common Security and Defense policy depends primarily on the international institutional and security architecture in Europe and the world, the historical political trends in the development of European integration, the EU legal framework and international strategic environment. Contemporary international organizations, especially those with the prevailing supranational characteristics (in this case the EU) tend to combine intergovernmental and supranational approach in the area of defense and security in an effort to more effectively utilize the structure of the organization for the realization of its goals and interests, but without significant transfer of powers from Member States on the organization itself. The main goals and interests of the EU integration in the field of defense and security are to (1) ensure durable and everlasting peace among member states, (2) to address common security challenges, risks and threats autonomously or in cooperation with other States and/or international organizations, (3) pool and share resources leading to more effective achievement of military economic interests, mainly through the development and transfer of military technology and equipment. In addition to the mentioned goals and interests, (4) particular interests of the Member States would be to improve their own political, economic and military performance. EU Integration in the field of defense, may rest in the future on (1) the current state of integration (status quo), (2) progress in areas that are not conflicting with the individual interests of key actors in the European arena (3) the deepening of integration leading to progressive framing of common defense policy with an ultimate goal to establish common defense. (4) The fourth model is possible and has been seen in the other EU policy areas.
One of the basic and strategic goals of post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina is a full membership in the European Union. During 1992-1995, Bosnia and Herzegovina has passed through one of the most difficult periods in its' history. The war has completely devastated the economical structure and the aftermaths were visible in the following years. As a new paradigm, the European Union appears. The European Union has helped the Western Balkans countries to overcome national tensions and offered them a new perspective; new regional and european integrations should be a new, historical chance for them. In the light of this, the focus of this paper is the impact of trade liberalization between the European Union and Bosnia and Herzegovina on the export from Bosnia and Herzegovina to European Union. The above mentioned impact has been observed in the period of eleven years. The total export amount of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2015 was 4,6 billion euros, while the amount of the import was 8,1 billion euros, which makes nearly 60% in favor of import. Traditionally, Bosnia and Herzegovina's most important foreign trade partner is the European Union where Bosnia and Herzegovina has a deficit in foreign trade. The portion of export to EU during 2015 was 71,79% while the portion of import was 60,85%. The coverage of import over export was 66,89%. In the period of 2005-2015, most of the products have been placed to markets in Croatia, Germany, Italy, and Serbia, which is not the EU member. The process of trade liberalization in 2015 has resulted in surplus of trade with certain EU countries; Austria, Luxembourg and Estonia while the decrease in trade has been recorded with Germany, Slovenia and Czech Republic. Regarding the export, Bosnia and Herzegovina mailny places products which have labour-intensive character. In the econometrics analysis, extented gravitational models of trade have been placed. Besides the abovementioned, the following econometrical techinques have been used: panel data models (PD), fixed effecs models (RE) and panel corrected standard errors (PCSE). In addition, Hausman test has been applied. According to the analysis that has been carried out, the following has been concluded; InGDPi, InGDPj and InDISTij variables are statistically important on the level of 5% in the period of gradual liberalization. The SSP1 an EK variables are not siginificant.In the other moder, in the period of complete liberalization InGDPi, InGDPj and SSP2 variables have a significant impact on a dependent variable on a level of 5%. InDISTij and EK variables have a significant impact on a level od 5% as well. The above mentioned result confirm the research hypothesis; trade liberalization has a significant impact on the export of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the EU. The basic limit of this research can be a relatively short observation period, caused by the fact that the data of merchandise trade between Bosnia and Herzegovina and EU countries until 2005 are not accessible.
The aim of this paper is to investigate the directions of changes in the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union for the period from 2021 to 2027. For the Republic of Serbia, as a candidate country for membership, it is important to monitor the changes that are taking place within the European agricultural policy. Analyzing the available literature and regulations of the European Commission, the authors look at the essence of the Common Agricultural Policy reforms in the upcoming seven-year period, with special reference to the aims, planned financial framework, "greening" of the CAP, as well as implementation of measures in rural development policy segment. Insisting on ecologically sustainable development of agriculture, along with greater institutional authority of the member states, are the key ideas that will guide the Common Agricultural Policy in the upcoming period.
In this article Dr Pribicevic analyses the impact of Kosovo crises on Serbian EU integrations and shaping of political scene of Serbia. Dr Pribicevic pointed out how crises started in spring 2011 when idea of split of Kosovo appeared again in Serbia and then continued with the clashes between KFOR and Serbs from north of Kosovo in order to get the control of administrative crossing Jarinje and Brnjak. During the summer 2011 German chancellor Merkel visited Serbia and asked government in Belgrade to normalize its relations with Kosovo and dissolve "parallel institutions" of Serbs in the north of Kosovo. Following this visit Serbian government continue its negotiations with Pristina and find out solutions for administrative crossings. On the other side, Belgrade and Pristina didn't find solution for the problem of presentation of Kosovo on the regional gatherings after what European council, under the German influence, decided to postpone the decision to give Serbia the status of candidate for the EU. Therefore, Serbia remains without EU candidaturein December 2011 in spite of the fact that government in Belgrade handedover general Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic to Hague Tribunal as well as conducted a number of successful reforms which got very high marks from EU commission. In this article Dr Pribicevic is trying to answer several questions. Why Washington and Berlin imposed such a strong pressure on Serbia in this moment? Is split of Kosovo possible solution? Could Serbian government continue with current politics of EU and Kosovo or it should take one of these politics as a priority? How Kosovo crises influenced Serbian political scene? At the end, Kosovo crises opened the crucial question: could Serbia enter EU without "recognition of territorial integrity of Kosovo"as described by German foreign minister Westervele. Having in mind forthcoming elections in spring time 2012 author thinks that ruling Democratic Party as well as leading opposition party Sebian Progresive Party will continue with current politics "both EU and Kosovo". Such politics will be in accordance with the public mood in Serbia which shows that support for EU integrations is declining with the growing pressure of US and Germany on Serbian Kosovo's politics. On the other side, Serbian politics "both EU and Kosovo" is not sustainable on the long run and Serbia has to face difficult decisions in future. Also, according to the author opinion Kosovo crises showed weakness of Serbian international position. It is without important allies among key Western powers which has dominant influence in this part of Europe. Serbia has support of Russia but key influence on Kosovo has US, GB, France and Germany. These powers connected Serbia's further progress towards EU with normalization its relations with Kosovo, knowing in advance that the time when Serbia is seeking for the EU candidature is the best time to ask Belgrade to make concessions in its Kosovo's politics. Western powers do not expect Serbia to recognize Kosovo but they expect Serbia to accept " territorial integrity of Kosovo", including its north part. Why Kosovo become so important for leading Western powers? Author thinks that several reasons influenced such tough behavior of Western power towards Serbia. First, after helping them to create an independent state, US perceived Albanians as the most reliable ally in this part of Europe. Second, Germany and other big powers in Europe wants to prevent creation of new frozen conflict in Europe similar to Cyprus one, Third, all big Western powers has reserves towards Serbian foreign policy and its orientation on EU but as well as on Russia, nonalignment world, China which quite often is described in the West as sitting on the two chairs, Last but not the least, Germany as well as France is not very eager of politics of enlargement of EU in the eve of forthcoming elections in these countries scheduled for 2012 and 2013. Therefore its hesitation in this moment towards further enlargement with US pro Albanian politics creates tough dillemas for Serbian politics in foreseeable future.
The policy led by a large number of developing countries, with the aim of increasing indirect taxes, has opened the issue of Value Added Tax (VAT) efficiency. Reforms of tax systems of developing countries generally involve an increase in standard rates in order to increase VAT, which is the main source of public revenues. In such a way, developing countries determine the VAT efficiency and the amount of revenue that could be collected by indirect taxation. The article sums up works of different scientists, dealing with the impact of determinants on VAT efficiency. The subject of this paper is an analysis of the factors that influence the C efficiency ratio. The main objective of the paper is to analize the impact of the change in the standard rate on the ratio. Theoretical analyses of standard rates and other factors that have reflections on the VAT collection efficiency explicitly prove that there are different ways to improve the efficiency of VAT collection, and exclude an increase in the standard rate. An increase in the standard rate provides a balance of negative effects, which can be blurred by recorded tax revenues. We focused on the countries of the European Union: Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Greece, Croatia, Latvia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Lithuania during the 2000-2016 period. These countries experienced significant changes in government during economic transformation, and where VAT is the main source of public revenues. The last section analize an increse in VAT rate and C efficiency ratio in Serbia and conteins conclusions. The paper indicates the imperfection of inadequately defined VAT rates on economic growth and development in analized countries. Based on analyses we can conclude that the increase in the standard rate have negative reflections on the VAT efficiency, and that it was one of the factors of the continuous decline in C-efficiency. ; Politika koju vodi veliki broj zemalјa u razvoju, u cilјu povećanja indirektnih poreza, otvorila je pitanje efikasnosti poreza na dodatu vrednost (PDV). Reforme poreskih sistema zemalјa u razvoju generalno uklјučuju povećanje standardnih stopa kako bi se povećao PDV, koji je glavni izvor javnih prihoda. Na taj način zemlјe u razvoju određuju efikasnost PDV-a i iznos prihoda koji se mogu prikupiti indirektnim oporezivanjem. Članak subsumira naučne radove koji se bave uticajem determinanti na efikasnost PDV-a. Predmet ovog rada je analiza faktora koji utiču na racio C efikasnosti. Glavni cilј rada je da analizira uticaj promene standardne stope na racio. Teorijska analiza standardnih stopa i drugih faktora koji utiču na efikasnost naplate PDV-a eksplicitno dokazuje da postoje različiti načini za pobolјšanje efikasnosti naplate PDV-a i isklјučuje povećanje standardne stope. Povećanje standardne stope obezbeđuje bilans negativnih efekata, koji se mogu zamagliti evidentiranim poreskim prihodima. Fokusirali smo se na zemlјe Evropske unije: Bugarsku, Češku, Estoniju, Grčku, Hrvatsku, Letoniju, Mađarsku, Polјsku, Rumuniju, Slovačku, Sloveniju i Litvaniju tokom perioda 2000-2016. Ove zemlјe su doživele značajne promene u vladi tokom ekonomske transformacije, i njima je PDV glavni izvor javnih prihoda. U poslednjoj sekciji analizira se porast stope PDV-a i koeficijenta C efikasnosti u Srbiji i daju se zaklјučci o tome. U radu se ukazuje na nesavršenost neadekvatno definisanih stopa PDV-a na ekonomski rast i razvoj u analiziranim zemlјama. Na osnovu analiza možemo zaklјučiti da povećanje standardne stope ima negativne refleksije na efikasnost PDV-a, te da je to bio jedan od faktora kontinuiranog pada C-efikasnosti.
