Suchergebnisse

The opening of EU accession talks marks an important milestone for Bosnia, where ethnic tensions run high. But progress on the EU track is no remedy for the chronic crisis besetting the country's politics.

This article discusses the evolution of the concept of bioeconomy from the early 1970s to the present. We highlight the main trends in the current development of bioeconomies in Russia and the European Union. Implementation of biotechnologies with a view to sustainable and low-carbon development is analyzed. It is the European Union that takes the leading position in the development of the bioeconomy. Several social, economic and political problems are to be solved by introducing elements of the bioeconomy in the EU. Moreover, we have identified and analyzed the stages of the development of a bioeconomy in Russia, as well as the main drivers and limitations associated with the development of a bioeconomy in Russia. Finally, an overview of state policies and instruments in the field of bioeconomic development is presented, and evaluations of their effectiveness and applicability in Russia are given.

By launching a military offensive in Nagorny Karabakh, President Aliyev forfeited the trust of Europeans. Azerbaijan's status as a transport hub cannot be a reason for the EU to go soft on Baku.

The article is devoted to consideration of the specific "soft power" of the European Union. As the theoretical foundations of the study dedicated the American, Russian and European approaches to the essence and content of "soft power" of the state, as well as other similar concepts such as "civilian power", "normative power." The basic criteria of "soft power" was proposed by the founder of the conception J. Nye and by other experts. The major European countries with the greatest potential of "soft power" influence are considered to be the UK and France. They make the greatest contribution to the process of creation of "soft power" in the EU. The article deals with the attempts of the EU to institutionalize the mechanisms of "soft power". The main two criteria are cultural and educational attractiveness of Europe. The identified trends, which suggest that the cultural identity of individual European countries is falling by the wayside, represent the elements of the EU diplomacy. This is substantiated by the fact that it is a legal and regulatory framework of the European "soft power", that is also confirmed by the official representatives of the EU. However, as within any integration process, in the process of "soft power" building the EU has a number of obstacles. The authors make conclusions about the prospects for the European Union to apply the elements of "soft power", as well as the readiness of the European countries to delegate a part of their cultural potential to the European community.

International relations have been developing rapidly in recent years, integration processes and diversified cooperation are increasing. Often, bilateral relations are built within the framework of multilateral interaction, and it is no longer possible to consider them separately, otherwise the picture will not be entirely complete. On May 7, 2009 the Eastern Partnership (EaP) program of the European Union was launched, in which 6 countries participate: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. Cooperation within the framework of this program is carried out in the political, economic, energy spheres, as well as in establishing contacts between people. It was the Eastern Partnership that determined the relations of the European Union with Armenia in subsequent years, which predetermined the need to consider them in the context of this program.

Having long neglected Latin America, the EU now seeks to strengthen its ties with the region. The Association Agreement with Mercosur provides a unique opportunity to redefine that relationship.

This article provides insight into the initiatives of the President of France Emmanuel Macron in the field of European Union security and defense. France is leading the processes of military convergence of the EU members. The author examines the perspectives of such a convergence and tries to identify both internal and external causes of the French European policy. The author explores Macron's European policy and compares it with the ideology of classical gaullism, laid the foundation for the Fifth Republic led by general Charles de Gaulle. The author characterizes Macron's policies as ―flexible gaullism'' and identifies its main features. The author assesses the perspectives of the initiatives suggested by Macron in the sphere of European security and defense and tries to reveal possible obstacles for the realization of these initiatives. The article also provides an analytical assessment of the current French external European policy, evaluates the political influence of modern France on the European Union Common Security and Defense. The author explores the impact of Brexit on the position of France in EU and studies the role of Paris in PESCO - Permanent Structured Cooperation. The article reveals joint initiatives of France and Germany and the role of Franco-German tandem in the EU Common Security and Defense Policy. © 2020 Institute of Europe Russian Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.

Admitting countries from Eastern Europe and the Balkans would complete the European project. But before further enlargement, the union has to ensure the rule of law and security inside the bloc.

The more incidents of violence occur, the less likely Belgrade and Pristina are to compromise. Brussels should increase pressure on both parties to conclude an agreement.

Tbilisi is hoping to progress toward European integration while resisting genuine reform. In deliberating Georgia's possible EU membership, Brussels faces an uncomfortable choice between geopolitical calculus and adherence to its own democratization criteria.

The European Union pursues an active foreign policy both in a form of bilateral ties with sovereign states and while interacting with regional associations. The article considers the strategic attractiveness of the Persian Gulf region for the European Union as well as EU's external regional policy (European interregionalism) towards the Gulf Cooperation Council. The paper analyzes the methodological basis of the European interregionalism, the goals and specific directions of the EU's policy in the region, the mechanisms for its implementation, strategic changes in the EU's policy while taking into account the Arab Spring. The authors conclude that the cooperation initially planned in Brussels on the basis of exporting the liberal values could not stand the test of the Arab Spring. In the Global Strategy of 2016 the EU introduced changes that envisage a differentiated approach in the policy of European interregionalism. In the final part, the authors draw the conclusion about the effectiveness of the new EU Global strategy towards the GCC. © 2019 Institute of Europe Russian Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.