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After the first elections for the federal parliament (Bundestag) of unified Germany in Dec 1990, one new party gained entrance into the Bundestag: the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS). This party is the successor party of the United Socialist Party of Germany (SED), the ruling communist party in East Germany. The PDS is still represented in the Bundestag; it also has representatives in all lander parliaments of the eastern German regions, & is the third strongest party overall, & in some eastern German towns, the strongest party. To explain the PDS's excellent electoral results & its political clout, the author analyzes the party's ideological/programmatic goals, as well as the social conflicts it articulates in the German party system. The PDS represents the anti-Western social milieu, which includes 20% of the population of eastern Germany. Although the PDS has been trying to shed its communist legacy, its attitude toward the elements of the liberal/democratic regime has remained ambivalent since its members & voters demonstrate a significant antidemocratic potential. 12 Tables, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

Autor razmatra politički profil Alternative za Njemačku kako bi pridonio razumijevanju njezine pojave u političkom životu Njemačke. Analizom izbornih programa provjerava njezin položaj na osi lijevo-desno te stavove o europskim integracijama, nacionalizmu i multikulturalizmu, te o ekonomskoj politici i demokraciji. Multivarijantnom regresijskom analizom ispituje prediktivnu snagu konfesionalnih, dobnih, obrazovnih, migracijskih i ekonomskih obilježja izbornih okruga u objašnjenju varijacije u postotku glasova. Istraživanjem biografskih obilježja članova vodstva stranke testira se pretpostavljena zajednička demografska i ideološka pozadina stranačke elite. Pokazalo se da Alternativa za Njemačku odudara od stavova drugih stranaka u gledanjima na Europsku uniju, nacionalizam, multikulturalizam i ekonomsku politiku, ali ne odskače značajno na osi lijevo-desno, kao ni prema stavovima o demokraciji. Za predikciju glasovanja za tu stranku najvažnijima su se pokazala regionalna (rascjep istok-zapad), dobna i ekonomska obilježja izbornih okruga. Biografska analiza stranačke elita otkriva visok postotak bivših članova njemačkih demokršćanskih stranaka, te prevlast starijih visokoobrazovanih muškaraca u njoj. ; This paper analyzes the political profile of the Alternative for Germany to contribute to the understanding of its emergence in the German political life. An analysis of electoral manifestos tests the party's left-right position, stances on European integration, nationalism, and multiculturalism as well as on economic policy and democracy. A multiple regression analysis examines the predictive power of religion, age, education, migration, and economic status as characteristics of electoral districts explaining the variation in the party's vote percentage. An assessment of biographies of the party's leadership tests the presumed common demographic and ideologic background of the party elite. The article shows that new party differs from other German parties regarding the EU, nationalism, and multiculturalism, and economic policy, yet does not represent an outlier on the left-right scale, nor in its stance on democracy. The study of predictors of the vote for the Alternative for Germany has shown that regional (East/West cleavage), age and economic characteristics of electoral districts hold most importance. The biographic analysis of the party elite reveals a high percentage of previous CDU/CSU members and a dominance of elderly, well-educated men.

Germany's security dilemma is to fulfill the larger role in Europe & global security that is expected after reunification, while not rekindling a sense of threat, particularly among neighbors to the East. Opinion surveys of Germans & Central/East Europeans reveal substantial difficulties if Germany were to become more assertive. Changes in German behavior & constitutional interpretation suggest a maturation or "normalization" of German foreign policy. Thus far, these changes have emphasized traditional forms of diplomacy & alliance behavior focused on using the enlarged capacities of a reunited Germany that more directly pursue German interests. Alternative ways by which to perform a larger security role are discussed, particularly in light of data regarding the mutual perceptions of Germans among neighboring peoples & leaders. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the Germanic ideas of Central Europe until the end of World War One. First, he reviews different meanings of the term "Central Europe" & its omission or inclusion in encyclopedias & lexicons. Then he goes on to describe the concepts of Central Europe by German & Austrian thinkers, who define it as various ways of political, cultural, & economic organization of the Central European region. The Germanic ideas of Central Europe tried to politically link the divided German ethnos, protect it from the influence of the "decadent" West & create a bulwark towards Russia. The author concludes that the underlying base of the Germanic ideas of Central Europe is German history as a "special path" (der Sonderweg). That is why they are grounded in romanticism & the rebuttal of liberal & democratic values, ensuing from the fatuity of German bourgeoisie. These ideas were proselytized with the intention of securing for the young nation its exclusive space, Central Europe, & ensuring its place in world history. Adapted from the source document.

The essay deals with the evolution of the theory of transformation in German political science of the 1990s. This research was given fresh blood by the collapse of the communist systems in Eastern Europe. Realizing that the existing theories of transformation cannot be applied to Eastern European countries due to a plethora of important distinguishing features, German political scientists used two general starting points in their research. The first starting point is the theory of universal waves of democratization, which focused its research on the application of comparative methods & comparative politics. The second starting point is the assumption that Eastern Europe is undergoing the social system change & not the political regime change, which enormously broadened the research scope. These general starting points gave rise to a series of studies, which are among the best works from the field of the theory of transformation in contemporary political science. This also resulted in the first political science handbook on the theory of transformation. 31 References. Adapted from the source document.

In 1988-1989 a stream of East Germans sought refugee in Hungary at the Embassy of West Germany in Budapest. The three countries taking part in the issue made different solutions to deal with the increasing problem. The East German leadership tried to call back the refugees and calm down the emigration process, but it had lost its confidence. West Germany tried to solve the problem not only on the level of consulship but exten-sively, in part with recognizing the status those waiting for West German citizenship and those for refugee status - without any success. In the interest of the resolution and bring the Hungarian leadership to their point of view, they tried to make use of the international organizations. However, the Hungarian leadership made efforts to stay out of the issue to get the two German states make an agreement. But there was no chance for that so Buda-pest gave up its quasi neutrality and tried to solve the problem opening the border by avoiding Hungary to turn into a refugee camp of the region. Besides making this ad hoc arrangement, the whole issue needed more radical crisis management, not only in Hungary.

The author analyzes political, philosophical, ethical, & legal implications of the trial in which, in August of 1997, some former members of the Politburo of the United Socialist Party of the former Democratic Republic of Germany were sentenced to prison terms after they had been found guilty for the murders committed by the East German border patrols when trying to prevent people from fleeing to the West. The legal grounds for such a sentence are dubious, not only because it runs counter to the ban on the retroactive enforcement of legal provisions but also because it presupposes the universal validity of the Western concept of human rights. If the intention was to react legally to what, from the Western point of view, were unpardonable acts during the communist reign, then the most prominent representatives of that system should have been -- in accordance with wartime law -- treated as enemies defeated in a (cold) war. Adapted from the source document.

The author first gives a short account of those German scientific institutions that study the history of Eastern or Southeastern Europe, including the history of Croatia. Then he lists the leading researchers & outlines the fundamental tenets of two major works of German historiography on the national identities in Dalmatia. The focus is on the research method & the used "tools." The author thinks that an interdisciplinary approach should be designed in historiographic, political science, & sociological research of the process of the formation of the Croatian national identity but also of other national identities & other modernization processes in Dalmatia. 4 References. Adapted from the source document.

More than a decade has passed since the momentous events of 1989 that changed the world order & redefined the geopolitics of Central Europe. This is the right moment to assess the results of these changes & discuss the future of that region. A review of past & contemporary comparative studies indicates Central Europe differs from the postcommunist East (the former Soviet Union) & the Southeast (the former Yugoslavia with the exception of Slovenia) & Albania in several ways: (1) The Central European states overthrew their communist regimes earlier & in a more decisive manner than the USSR. (2) The economic transformation of Central Europe, though not completely smooth, is nevertheless much smoother than the transformation of the member countries of the CIS. (3) The postcommunist societies differ in the pattern by which their systems of social stratification changed after the collapse of their communist regimes. (4) There are big differences between the Central European postcommunist states, including the Baltic states on the one hand, & the CIS members & Yugoslavia on the other, regarding their international orientation. The author highlights three significant events that are going to leave their trace on the regional geostrategic situation: NATO's eastern expansion, NATO's campaign against SRY, & the election of Vladimir Putin as President of Russia. The regional geopolitical picture may become more stable with closer ties between the states of Central Europe & Germany. Adapted from the source document.

Migracijska kretanja su konstanta ljudske povijesti, bilo da se radi o dobrovoljnim ili prisilnim migracijama. No,s prijelaza s 2015. na 2016. godinu, Europa se suočila s izbjegličkom krizom koja je uzrokovana dugogodišnjim tranzicijskim procesima na Bliskom istoku i sjevernoj Africi. Ti su tranzicijski procesi uzrokovali građanski rat u Siriji i Libiji, ali i stvorili ogromnu nestabilnost u susjednim državama. Veliki broj migranata s područja Bliskog istoka, Afrike i Azije je krenuo prema Europi, a cilj im je bio stići u najrazvijenije zemlje Europe, Njemačku, Švedsku, Norvešku i druge. Na putu koji se proteže preko Turske i Grčke pa sve do Švedske, našle su se i države koje su svoju samostalnost stekle dezintegracijom Jugoslavije. Neke od država nastalih raspadom Jugoslavije su članice Europske unije i NATO pakta, no to im nije olakšalo suočavanje s izbjegličkom krizom, iako su one, u većini slučajeva, samo tranzitne zemlje. Nedostatak sredstava, slaba koordinacija, manjak institucionalnih kapaciteta i problemi s drugim državama samo su neki od izazova s kojima su se ove države suočile. Upravo zbog svih navedenih problema ovaj rad se bavi komparacijom migracijskih politika država nastalih raspadom Jugoslavije, i to ne samo onih koje se nalaze na Balkanskoj ruti, već i Crne Gore i Bosne i Hercegovine. ; Migration movements have been a constant feature of human history, wheather voluntary or forced. However, in the late 2015 Europe was faced with refugee crisis caused by long – term transition process in Middle East and North Africa. That transition process caused Civil war in Syria and Libya and instability in neighboring countries. A huge number of migrants from Middle East, Africa and Asia headed to Europe with the aim to reach most developed countries: Germany, Sweden, Norway etc. Countries which gained their independence with desintergration of Yugoslavia can be found on the path from Turkey and Greece towards countries as far as Sweden. Althought some of the states that have been createdafter the ...

The article puts forward an answer to the following question: why is Iran, thirty years after the 1979 revolution, still at the center of world politics, & why is it, on top of that, a legitimate candidate for the status of one of global powers in the new, multi-polar international order. The author stresses that Iran has been the main obstacle to global ambitions of liberal democracy since 1989, & that it has developed a specific ideological & political system based on the idea of theocratic-republican dualism. Furthermore, after the end of the Cold War, it was convenient to the West to have Iran as the Antagonistic Other (and vice versa). The relative American failure in the war against Iraq (2003-) opened up for Iran the options of connecting on a wider basis with Russia, China, Venezuela & the countries of "Old Europe" (Germany & France). Since the relatively prosperous neighboring countries -- China & the four Asian tigers -- are also founded on dualistic principles, Iran did not have to be liberalized in the way that Eastern Europe was liberalized after the Cold War. As the author concludes, the election of Barack Obama for American president presents a new opportunity to normalize relations between Iran & the West, but the opportunity will be seized only if the USA is willing to accept the multi-polarity of international relations & to renounce the doctrine of liberal interventionism. Regardless of the outcome, however, there is still a very real danger of a conflict between Israel & Iran. Adapted from the source document.

The article puts forward an answer to the following question: why is Iran, thirty years after the 1979 revolution, still at the center of world politics, & why is it, on top of that, a legitimate candidate for the status of one of global powers in the new, multi-polar international order. The author stresses that Iran has been the main obstacle to global ambitions of liberal democracy since 1989, & that it has developed a specific ideological & political system based on the idea of theocratic-republican dualism. Furthermore, after the end of the Cold War, it was convenient to the West to have Iran as the Antagonistic Other (and vice versa). The relative American failure in the war against Iraq (2003-) opened up for Iran the options of connecting on a wider basis with Russia, China, Venezuela & the countries of "Old Europe" (Germany & France). Since the relatively prosperous neighboring countries -- China & the four Asian tigers -- are also founded on dualistic principles, Iran did not have to be liberalized in the way that Eastern Europe was liberalized after the Cold War. As the author concludes, the election of Barack Obama for American president presents a new opportunity to normalize relations between Iran & the West, but the opportunity will be seized only if the USA is willing to accept the multi-polarity of international relations & to renounce the doctrine of liberal interventionism. Regardless of the outcome, however, there is still a very real danger of a conflict between Israel & Iran. Adapted from the source document.