Suchergebnisse

"Дискуссионные материалы" анализируют развитие аграрного сектора бывшей восточ- ной Германии после воссоединения Германии. С помощью дескриптивного анализа про- водится описание проблем трансформационных процессов, а также изменения в аграр- ном производстве и структурe сектора. Анализ показывает, что спустя 15 лет после вос- соединения Германии, сельское хозяйство в новых федеральных землях Германии значи- тельно отличается от старых федеральных земель. Разница особенно заметна в наличии высокого числа правовых форм предприятий, значительно повышенной доли арендуемой земли, пониженным поголовьем скота, а также размером предприятий. Наблюдаемые изменения в немецком аграрном секторе показывают, что под влиянием аграрно-поли- тических мер Европейского союза, западно-немецкая модель маленьких предприятий со временем должна уступить восточно-немецкой моделе больших предприятий. ; This Discussion Paper focuses on developments of the agricultural sector in the federal states of the former Eastern Germany after German reunification. Descriptive analysis is involved to display problems of transition process and changes in agricultural production and structures. The results of the analysis report considerable differences in the agricultural sector between New and Old Federal States after 15 years after the reunification. These differences are especially to find in a variety of existing legal forms, considerably higher share of rented land, lower cattle stock as well as larger farm size of the farms in the New Federal States. Observed structural changes of the German agricultural sector display that due to European Union measures the West German model of small farm structures will have to give way of New Federal States model of large farms.

Introduction. The paper deals with the issues of the propaganda system in the Soviet Occupation Zone in Germany (SOZ) between 1945 and 1949. Based on de-classified documents from Russian Archives propaganda organization, channels and methods of propaganda units of the Soviet Military Administration in Germany (SMAG) became a subject to study. The authors emphasize on control means towards German mass media and implementing the Soviet propaganda monopoly in East Germany.

Methods and materials. The authors consequently analyze the main channels and methods of positive USSR image broadcasting: radio, press, SMAG propaganda unit lectures, people's education system, activities of society for Soviet cultural studies, acquaintance trips of German delegations to the USSR, presentations of Soviet exhibitions and films.

Analysis and Results. The authors come to a conclusion that the Soviet propaganda in East Germany had a low efficiency. It failed to establish a complete monopoly of Soviet propaganda units in East Germany. The SOZ population could access the propaganda from West Germany and West Berlin, which broadcast a radically negative image of the USSR. Besides, the units and institutions of the Group of Soviet Occupation Troops in Germany (GSOTG) created their own image of Soviet people, which was different from the ideal and broadcast one. Thus, it turned out to be impossible to provide the unification of the broadcast and perception of propagandist materials devoted to the USSR and its population. Soviet propaganda in Germany had gone through the transition by the late 1940s: division of Germany in two states appeared to be a reality, and the establishment of socialist society on Stalin's model took place in East Germany. Ideological revisiting of the Soviet social constitution, and so its supremacy over the bourgeois one was to replace the conventional image of the country of total welfare and happiness.

The year 2019 is the anniversary year in the history of Germany. 70 years ago, the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic were founded. 30 years ago, the whole world experienced the fall of the Berlin Wall. The last event greatly influenced historiography. This concerns the role played by the USSR in Germany. This also concerns the GDR population, which allegedly had suffered "under Soviet tyranny" only. With the "end of history" the socialist variant of social development was written off, even though the mixed Chinese model still exists today. Therefore, it was hardly interesting to analyze the GDR history comprehensively. German foundations with their subsidies supported the topics and the interpretations, which in their view contributed to the development of democracy in Russia. It was logical that the former authority of Russian historical German studies was lost. Incidentally, the current events in the Federal Republic made the topic of East German identity again up to date. This can lead to rethinking the history of the Soviet occupation zone. The author does not claim to revise the previous historiography in a short article. His goal is more modest. He intends to use the documents from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation to prove the following: Known stories can be reassessed and supplemented. The novelty also is that research tasks are being redefined. This can help to gain influence of Russian historical German studies in historiography. ; 2019 г. — юбилейный год в истории Германии. 70 лет назад образовались Федеративная Республика Германия и Германская Демократическая Республика. 30 лет назад произошло падение Берлинской стены — событие, которое определило последующее истори-описание как в отношении роли, которую сыграл СССР в Германии, так и касательно ГДР и якобы особой жертвенности немцев в «тисках советского режима». Социалистический вариант развития, несмотря на существующую смешанную китайскую модель, был отвергнут, поэтому и всесторонний анализ, учитывающий временной контекст событий, оказался невостребованным. Немецкие фонды, субсидировавшие российскую науку, поощряли интересующие их темы и интерпретации. Результатом этого объективного развития стала потеря отечественной исторической германистикой своего влияния и былого авторитета. Однако актуальные события на востоке Германии показали, что переосмысление истории советской оккупационной зоны и ГДР еще не завершено. В этой связи автор статьи, не претендуя на универсальность, посчитал необходимым на основе небольшого количества источников из Архива внешней политики РФ, посвященных контактам советских контрольных органов и восточногерманских буржуазных партий, доказать, что даже известные сюжеты при внимательном анализе документов и ограниченном хронологическом периоде могут быть дополнены. Поэтому новизна статьи, как следует из ее названия, состоит в постановке новых исследовательских задач, работа над которыми или их последующее уточнение, возможно, поможет российской германистике возвратить свое законное место в исследованиях по истории ГДР.

The article furthers the research on the relation of democratizing states with their former non-democratic regimes by focusing on the situation in the Central and Eastern Europe's re-established democracies. The author utilizes his previously introduced research framework, based on the assessment (and interplay) of the type of the regime and the manner in which it ended. This serves to emphasize differences in the democratic transition of the region's states and, accordingly, the various paths chosen by new leaders in dealing with the problem of Communist party activist responsibility. The article also touches upon structural and psychological legacy of Communism. Along with glaring commonalities of the former Communist bloc, there were specific issues as well. In short, the findings reflect the following: 1 ) The transition of Hungary, in many aspects, replicates the "reforma pactada" formula. Partially, this holds true for Poland, too, but its position was complicated by limits on democratic representation set via the pact, that ring more of those achieved by military hierarchy in the event of extrication. The two states may be viewed as hardly favorable to the purge of old apparatus, despite the Poles' formal lustration laws. 2) In the Czech Republic and former East Germany (GDR), the situation became favorable to the prosecution of regime's activists, as the stagnating post-totalitarianism simply collapsed in those countries leaving a power vacuum, without a possibility to mobilize in self-defence. However, the broad range purges, that ensued in these states, much too often came in contradiction with the principles of rule of law and universal human rights. 3) The Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) did not experience direct collapse of the system, even though they also had just gone through stagnation.[.].

The article furthers the research on the relation of democratizing states with their former non-democratic regimes by focusing on the situation in the Central and Eastern Europe's re-established democracies. The author utilizes his previously introduced research framework, based on the assessment (and interplay) of the type of the regime and the manner in which it ended. This serves to emphasize differences in the democratic transition of the region's states and, accordingly, the various paths chosen by new leaders in dealing with the problem of Communist party activist responsibility. The article also touches upon structural and psychological legacy of Communism. Along with glaring commonalities of the former Communist bloc, there were specific issues as well. In short, the findings reflect the following: 1 ) The transition of Hungary, in many aspects, replicates the "reforma pactada" formula. Partially, this holds true for Poland, too, but its position was complicated by limits on democratic representation set via the pact, that ring more of those achieved by military hierarchy in the event of extrication. The two states may be viewed as hardly favorable to the purge of old apparatus, despite the Poles' formal lustration laws. 2) In the Czech Republic and former East Germany (GDR), the situation became favorable to the prosecution of regime's activists, as the stagnating post-totalitarianism simply collapsed in those countries leaving a power vacuum, without a possibility to mobilize in self-defence. However, the broad range purges, that ensued in these states, much too often came in contradiction with the principles of rule of law and universal human rights. 3) The Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) did not experience direct collapse of the system, even though they also had just gone through stagnation.[.].

The article furthers the research on the relation of democratizing states with their former non-democratic regimes by focusing on the situation in the Central and Eastern Europe's re-established democracies. The author utilizes his previously introduced research framework, based on the assessment (and interplay) of the type of the regime and the manner in which it ended. This serves to emphasize differences in the democratic transition of the region's states and, accordingly, the various paths chosen by new leaders in dealing with the problem of Communist party activist responsibility. The article also touches upon structural and psychological legacy of Communism. Along with glaring commonalities of the former Communist bloc, there were specific issues as well. In short, the findings reflect the following: 1 ) The transition of Hungary, in many aspects, replicates the "reforma pactada" formula. Partially, this holds true for Poland, too, but its position was complicated by limits on democratic representation set via the pact, that ring more of those achieved by military hierarchy in the event of extrication. The two states may be viewed as hardly favorable to the purge of old apparatus, despite the Poles' formal lustration laws. 2) In the Czech Republic and former East Germany (GDR), the situation became favorable to the prosecution of regime's activists, as the stagnating post-totalitarianism simply collapsed in those countries leaving a power vacuum, without a possibility to mobilize in self-defence. However, the broad range purges, that ensued in these states, much too often came in contradiction with the principles of rule of law and universal human rights. 3) The Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) did not experience direct collapse of the system, even though they also had just gone through stagnation.[.].

The given paper touches upon the problem of German migration policy in contemporary period. The on-going processes allow us to conclude that the German migration paradigm has been changing as well as one of the most successful states in the European Union and as a state endowed with the greatest peace load after the crisis of 2008. The study gives the main qualitative and quantitative characteristics of the German migration policy in the 2000s. First of all, it is characterized by changes in the geography of migration flows. In 2004, with ten new countries entering the EU, the inflow of migrants from Eastern Europe countries began to increase. During this period, the number of immigrants from Poland has almost doubled. After Bulgaria and Romania joined the EU, the number of people from these countries also increased by more than three times. At the period of 2008 crisis, the inflow of migrants from Italy, Spain, Greece and the Balkan countries intensified; the number of migrants from Croatirapidly increasedafter this country joined the EU in 2013. The author analyzes the qualitative composition of migrants and concludes that, from the beginning of the 21st century, the working migration, having dominated for many decades, is gradually changing in favor of skilled workers' migration. The important role of universities in order to attract highly qualified specialists is substantiated. The migration impact on the labor market is studied with a special attention. It is due to the fact that, when arriving in the country and getting the opportunity to apply skills and realize their human capital, a migrant becomes a kind of investor in the hosting country economy, contributing to its growth. One of its main advantages is that, already having a certain set of knowledge and skills (the hosting country does not need to pay for his education), he can generate new knowledge, create innovations, thereby increasing the competitiveness of the recipient country economy. Germany has a policy of attracting highly qualified ...

The article considers the Middle East policy of modern Germany, taking Turkish vector as an example. The foreign EU policy in the Middle East, as a whole and cooperation of modern Germany with Turkey in attempt to join the European Union are examined. Attention is given to the modern crisis and difficulties that stand on the way of cooperation between the two states. ; Статья посвящена рассмотрению турецкого вектора ближневосточной политики Германии в период с 1987 года до настоящего времени. Рассматривается внешняя политика ЕС на Ближнем Востоке в целом, а также сотрудничество современной ФРГ с Турцией в рамках попыток ее вступления в Европейский Союз. Уделяется внимание современному кризису и сложностям, которые стоят на пути сотрудничества двух государств.

"Yearbook of Eastern Studies" has been established as a forum for the debate on the multifaceted nature of transformations in Central and Eastern Europe and Asia, with particular focus on the post-Soviet area. The conceptual content of the periodical was born thanks to the professors Zdzislaw J. Winnicki and Walenty Baluk, who edited the first three volumes, which were published formally as separate monographs, but already under the banner of "Wschodnioznawstwo". Since 2010, the Yearbook has the status of a scientific journal, and two years later it has been listed on the journals of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education. In addition, the periodical is indexed in national and international databases such as Index Copernicus, Central European Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, BazHum and Polska Bibliografia Naukowa. The scientific profile of the periodical, which has consistently been implemented since the beginning of the activity of "Yearbook of Eastern Studies", focuses on the field of social sciences, with particular emphasis on the science of politics and science of safety. Its great advantage is its internationalization, which manifests itself both in terms of composition of the scientific council, reviewers, and authors of texts published in the "Wschodnioznawstwo" in Polish, English and Russian languages. Up to now, researchers from Poland, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Czech Republic, Georgia, Germany, Hungary, Japan, Kazakhstan, Latvia, Macedonia, Russia, Slovakia and Ukraine have published on the cards of the journal. ; Wydawany przez Zakład Badań Wschodnich od 2007 r. rocznik "Wschodnioznawstwo" powstał jako forum debaty nad wielowymiarowością przemian w regionie Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej oraz Azji, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem obszaru postradzieckiego. Koncepcja merytoryczna periodyku zrodziła się dzięki profesorom Zdzisławowi J. Winnickiemu oraz Walentemu Balukowi, którzy redagowali wspólnie pierwsze trzy tomy, wydane jeszcze z formalnego punktu widzenia jako odrębne monografie, ale już pod szyldem "Wschodnioznawstwa". Od 2010 r. rocznik posiada status czasopisma naukowego, a dwa lata później trafił na listę czasopism punktowanych Ministerstwa Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego. Ponadto periodyk jest indeksowany w krajowych i międzynarodowych bazach, takich jak Index Copernicus, Central European Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, BazHum czy Polska Bibliografia Naukowa. Profil naukowy periodyku, który konsekwentnie jest realizowany od początku działalności "Wschodnioznawstwa", koncentruje się wokół dziedziny nauk społecznych, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem nauk o polityce i nauk o bezpieczeństwie. Ogromnym atutem rocznika jest jego umiędzynarodowienie, które przejawia się zarówno w aspekcie składu rady naukowej, recenzentów, jak i autorów tekstów zamieszczanych na łamach "Wschodnioznawstwa" w językach polskim, angielskim i rosyjskim. Do tej pory na kartach periodyku publikowali naukowcy z Polski, Azerbejdżanu, Białorusi, Czech, Gruzji, Japonii, Kazachstanu, Łotwy, Macedonii, Niemiec, Rosji, Słowacji, Ukrainy i Węgier.

The paper considers the question how the Ost-Akademie in Lüneburg, Federal Republic of Germany, tackled the problems of West-East-relations in Germany and in Europe between 1952 and 2004. As an institute for political and cultural education on basis of the carried out research, the Academy worked with adult and young participants. It dealt with problems deriving from the special position of Germany after the defeat of National Socialist Germany and from German and European partition. In the initial years it took up the challenges connected with the expulsion of millions of Germans from the Eastern Prussian provinces. Afterwards it picked up the splitting between the Western and the Eastern zone of Germany, between FRG and GDR, and investigated the socialist development of the GDR. In the last years of the German partition it succeeded in establishing immediate encounter with everyday life in the GDR. After the end of the German partition and the end of the Cold War it engaged in bringing together unified Germany and its Eastern neighbours, Poland, Russia, the Baltic states, and the new emerging republics of the CIS. In this way the Academy could make a contribution to the development of understanding between citizens in Germany and in Central and Eastern Europe. Exactly that was the intention of the victors over National Socialism and of the new founded Federal Republic of Germany. ; Статья посвящена вопросу деятельности Академии «Восток» в Люнебурге (Западная Германия), которая в период с 1952 по 2004 гг. занималась актуальными проблемами отношений между Западом и Востоком Германии и Европы. Как институт политического и культурного образования и на основе собственных исследований Академия занималась с взрослыми и молодыми участниками проблемами, которые вытекали из особого положения Германии в Европе после крушения национал-социализма, раскола Германии и Европы. В первые годы своей работы она изучала проблемы, связанные с изгнанием миллионов немцев из провинций Восточной Пруссии, а затем специализацией Академии становится изучение ГДР и восточных соседей Германии в период европейской интеграции. После окончания холодной войны и воссоединения Германии Академия налаживала и развивала новые связи между Западом и Востоком: с Польшей, странами Балтии, Россией и другими странами СНГ. Таким образом, Академия внесла свой вклад во взаимопонимание между гражданами Германии и стран Центральной и Восточной Европы, что отвечало намерением победителей германского нацизма и лежало в основании новой Федеративной республики Германии.

The article features the activities of the Soviet and the Polish governments aimed at creating the so-called Eastern Pact in 1933 – the spring of 1935. The archives of Soviet intelligence declassified in the 2000s show that while the Soviet government fought for the pact, the governments of Poland, Germany and Japan were secretly preparing to conduct a policy of aggression against the USSR as early as in 1935; the secret sponsor and mastermind behind the plan was representatives of the British ruling circles. The major figures of the group were the head of the Bank of England M. Norman and the head of the House of Lords and the Minister of War, Lord Hailsham. By the spring of 1935, the Soviet political authorities already possessed all the information of strategic importance, which allowed them to take the necessary action. In March 1935, the Chinese Eastern Railway was sold, in April they publicized the secret Polish-German treaty signed on 25 February, 1934; on 2 May the Franco-Soviet treaty of mutual assistance was signed, and a similar treaty with Czechoslovakia was concluded on 16 May. Thus, the minor collective security system was established, which would put an end to the plans of Berlin, Tokyo and Warsaw to unleash their anti-Soviet intervention before the end of 1935. ; В статье рассматривается деятельность советского и польского руководства по созданию так называемого Восточного пакта в течение 1933 – весны 1935 гг. На основе рассекреченных в 2000-е гг. архивных материалов советской разведки показано, что в то время как советское руководство боролось за его создание, руководства Польши, Германии и Японии в глубокой тайне собирались провести до конца 1935 г. агрессию против СССР, тайным спонсором и вдохновителем которой готовилась стать часть правящих кругов Великобритании. Крупными фигурами этой группировки были глава Английского банка М. Норман и глава Палаты лордов и военный министр лорд Хейлшем. Советское политическое руководство к весне 1935 г. обладало всей совокупностью информации стратегического значения, чтобы предпринять необходимые действия. В марте 1935 г. была продана КВЖД, в апреле – предан широкой гласности секретный польско-германский договор от 25 февраля 1934 г., 2 мая состоялось подписание советско-французского договора о взаимопомощи, а 16 мая – аналогичного договора с Чехословакией. Тем самым была создана система малой коллективной безопасности и поставлен крест на планах Берлина, Токио и Варшавы развязать антисоветскую интервенцию до конца 1935 г.

The article deals with one of the important issues of modern language policy in Germany where the language and cultural integration of children from families of migrants and refugees are developed. Cultural integration will also be affected. Knowledge of German and possibilities of integration are in direct connection. In view of the migration crisis of 2015–2016, when about 1,139 million refugees arrived in Germany, this issue has become particularly relevant. A large number of refugees are also able to distort the real native German language. So the observations can be noted, that the indigenous Germans began to imitate their "brothers" from the Middle East. Young people in Germany, particularly Germans, tend to copy the accent of refugees, and the same refugees with great effort to copy the accent of the Germans. In addition to linguistic differences, there are differences in culture and religion. The specificity of cultures makes itself felt. The German government faces new problems affecting new spheres of life. The large influx of refugees undermines the country's economic, cultural and political stability. The main dissatisfaction is that the Germans increased the rate of income tax to provide refugees with all the necessary attributes for a comfortable stay in their country. At the same time, another problematic issue of the well-being of the Germans is the spread of the Islamic religion. Today in the information "ocean" there are many examples of how Islam is exposed under the wrong angle. This has a rather negative impact on the successful integration of refugees in new country. Language integration of adults and children who arrived in the country with their parents for permanent residence becomes a task of national scale. The concentration of attention in solving such disputes is explained by the fact that in a multinational country like Germany it is difficult to get along with several people at once. The article discusses the degree of effectiveness of solving the problem of language policy by the government of Germany in the post-crisis period.

The article is devoted comparison to planned and socially-market models of economic and social policy in the western and east German states during the period from the termination of the Second World War before merge of both states; to the various device of redistribution of the public blessings, a standard of living
and state of the economy in the German states.

The article surveys the relations of Germany with its Middle Eastern partners including Egypt, Libya, and Yemen prior to the events commonly known as the Arab Spring. It analyzes the evaluation of their causes and crisis exit strategies offered by the German experts. Germany sought new approaches and assisted Egypt's democratization by developing its political institutions and by investing in non-political organizations. For Libya and Yemen, Germany offered humanitarian aid and advice in political reforms. The author concludes that the lack of common approach of the European countries to the Arab Spring and underestimation of the consequences of political crisis in the Middle East hindered the EU to produce the consorted and manifold policy on crisis resolution.Key words: European Union, Germany, European policy in the Middle East, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Arab spring, political crisis. ; В статье рассматриваются отношения ФРГ и ее основных стран-партнеров на Ближнем Востоке накануне событий, вошедших в историю под термином «арабская весна». Представлен подробный анализ германских оценок развития ситуации на Ближнем Востоке в начале XXI в. В статье рассмотрены отношения ФРГ с такими странами, как Египет, Ливия и Йемен, и анализируются различные оценки немецкой стороны по вопросу выхода из кризисной ситуации. В статье поставлен ряд вопросов, касающихся формирования новых подходов, которые ФРГ совместно со своими партнерами на Ближнем Востоке разрабатывает для выхода из политического и экономического кризисов. Автор приходит к выводу о том, что отсутствие единого подхода европейских стран к политическому кризису на Ближнем Востоке и недооценка последствий «арабской весны» не позволили принять комплексные меры для преодоления многостороннего кризиса в странах Ближнего ВостокаКлючевые слова: ФРГ, европейская политика в странах Ближнего Востока, германский проект демократизации Египта, Ливия, Йемен, «арабская весна», политический кризис на Ближнем Востоке.