This paper is an attempt to analyse European leadership and the role played by a reunited Germany in the European Union. The author proposes five fundamental theses: 1) the reunification of Germany ruined the balance of power in Europe; 2) the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the EU has moved the zone of political and military influence of the USA to the line of the Bug river; 3) the Germans have confirmed their position as a European power; 4) the foreign policy of Angela Merkel is a continuation of Gerhard Schroder's policy, meaning a transfer of the focus from European policy to prioritising German national interests; 5) the German issue has remained open. ; This paper is an attempt to analyse European leadership and the role played by a reunited Germany in the European Union. The author proposes five fundamental theses: 1) the reunification of Germany ruined the balance of power in Europe; 2) the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the EU has moved the zone of political and military influence of the USA to the line of the Bug river; 3) the Germans have confirmed their position as a European power; 4) the foreign policy of Angela Merkel is a continuation of Gerhard Schroder's policy, meaning a transfer of the focus from European policy to prioritising German national interests; 5) the German issue has remained open.
"Yearbook of Eastern Studies" has been established as a forum for the debate on the multifaceted nature of transformations in Central and Eastern Europe and Asia, with particular focus on the post-Soviet area. The conceptual content of the periodical was born thanks to the professors Zdzislaw J. Winnicki and Walenty Baluk, who edited the first three volumes, which were published formally as separate monographs, but already under the banner of "Wschodnioznawstwo". Since 2010, the Yearbook has the status of a scientific journal, and two years later it has been listed on the journals of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education. In addition, the periodical is indexed in national and international databases such as Index Copernicus, Central European Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, BazHum and Polska Bibliografia Naukowa. The scientific profile of the periodical, which has consistently been implemented since the beginning of the activity of "Yearbook of Eastern Studies", focuses on the field of social sciences, with particular emphasis on the science of politics and science of safety. Its great advantage is its internationalization, which manifests itself both in terms of composition of the scientific council, reviewers, and authors of texts published in the "Wschodnioznawstwo" in Polish, English and Russian languages. Up to now, researchers from Poland, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Czech Republic, Georgia, Germany, Hungary, Japan, Kazakhstan, Latvia, Macedonia, Russia, Slovakia and Ukraine have published on the cards of the journal. ; Wydawany przez Zakład Badań Wschodnich od 2007 r. rocznik "Wschodnioznawstwo" powstał jako forum debaty nad wielowymiarowością przemian w regionie Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej oraz Azji, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem obszaru postradzieckiego. Koncepcja merytoryczna periodyku zrodziła się dzięki profesorom Zdzisławowi J. Winnickiemu oraz Walentemu Balukowi, którzy redagowali wspólnie pierwsze trzy tomy, wydane jeszcze z formalnego punktu widzenia jako odrębne monografie, ale już pod szyldem "Wschodnioznawstwa". Od 2010 r. rocznik posiada status czasopisma naukowego, a dwa lata później trafił na listę czasopism punktowanych Ministerstwa Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego. Ponadto periodyk jest indeksowany w krajowych i międzynarodowych bazach, takich jak Index Copernicus, Central European Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities, BazHum czy Polska Bibliografia Naukowa. Profil naukowy periodyku, który konsekwentnie jest realizowany od początku działalności "Wschodnioznawstwa", koncentruje się wokół dziedziny nauk społecznych, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem nauk o polityce i nauk o bezpieczeństwie. Ogromnym atutem rocznika jest jego umiędzynarodowienie, które przejawia się zarówno w aspekcie składu rady naukowej, recenzentów, jak i autorów tekstów zamieszczanych na łamach "Wschodnioznawstwa" w językach polskim, angielskim i rosyjskim. Do tej pory na kartach periodyku publikowali naukowcy z Polski, Azerbejdżanu, Białorusi, Czech, Gruzji, Japonii, Kazachstanu, Łotwy, Macedonii, Niemiec, Rosji, Słowacji, Ukrainy i Węgier.
Austria's political and economic interest in the countries of Central Europe was diverse. Neighborhood policy was interpreted as "a small relaxation that without direct union with the USSR could have contributed to relaxation between East and West". In initiating economic cooperation, it was assumed that the economic stability of Eastern countries would be conducive to the implementation of the basic task of the SPÖ, which is maintaining full employment, would be an optical expression of Austria's neutrality and would contribute to alleviating the effects of Austria's unilateral economic links with Western countries, in particular with Germany. The assumption adopted in Vienna concerned the consent to undertake economic cooperation where it was profitable, but also while respecting the principles typical of the free market. At the beginning it was assumed that industrialization concerns only East Germany and Czechoslovakia. Over time, this approach has changed. Analyzing the foreign policy of Austria, research tools characteristic of the historian and political scientist's workshop were used. The method of analysis and synthesis was adopted. Additionally, the conducted research was supplemented with the institutional method (legal acts regarding the competence to create foreign policy and state treaties). A statistical method was also used to show the scale of trade.
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; The objective of the article is to indicate similarities as well as discrepancies between the Polish and German governments' stands on the crisis and conflict in Ukraine. The author tries to respond to the question: What will be the implications of the conflict in Ukraine for the "Eastern policy" of Poland and Germany? Will they result in the continuation of their current "Eastern policy", its evolution or maybe they will bring an essential change to their policy in the region? In author's opinion, taking into account significant differences between the Polish and German foreign policies towards Russia and Ukraine between 2014 and 2015 as well as before that period, the possibility for enhanced cooperation between the two governments in relation to their foreign policy towards Russia and Ukraine will continue to be remote in the upcoming years.
In this paper an attempt is made to outline the views on the transformation of the former GDR formulated in the German scientific literature. Due to the limited scope of the paper and the magnitude and complexity of the phenomena, discussion is limited to the most important and most controversial - according to the author - aspects around which discussions were held between leading economists from academia and politicians. The study starts with a brief introduction regarding the merits of the transformation of the economic order of the former GDR. Further outlines early assessments of the economic condition of Eastern Germany and ideas on eventual reunification of the country. Then, following, if possible, the chronological order, an overview is provided of the most important assessment about elements of a new order, such as the monetary union and the deregulation of prices, changes in the ownership structure, the creation of the institutional framework and the situation on the labor market and financial transfers. The main scientific method applied is analysis of literature, evaluation of official documents and historical analysis.
School chronicles are an important but sometimes underestimated source of information for the history of education. The difficulties with their use result from their dispersion, lack of availability and subjective nature. However, despite their subjectivity, they can provide extremely interesting information, e.g. on the biographies of individual educators. This article focuses on the war fate of school teachers in the Eastern Greater Poland. Almost all of them lost their jobs as a result of the closure of schools. Many were deported to the General Government or to forced labour in Germany. Those who stayed undertook off-an-on work or jobs that had nothing to do with the teaching profession. Despite the threat to their lives, some of them were also engaged in secret teaching. Unfortunately, there were also those who decided to collaborate with the German occupier. The research included in this article should be considered an introduction to research in this source area. ; School chronicles are an important but sometimes underestimated source of information for the history of education. The difficulties with their use result from their dispersion, lack of availability and subjective nature. However, despite their subjectivity, they can provide extremely interesting information, e.g. on the biographies of individual educators. This article focuses on the war fate of school teachers in the Eastern Greater Poland. Almost all of them lost their jobs as a result of the closure of schools. Many were deported to the General Government or to forced labour in Germany. Those who stayed undertook off-an-on work or jobs that had nothing to do with the teaching profession. Despite the threat to their lives, some of them were also engaged in secret teaching. Unfortunately, there were also those who decided to collaborate with the German occupier. The research included in this article should be considered an introduction to research in this source area.
The aim of the present article is to outline the characteristics of Polish and German policy towards East, especially towards Russia. The author indicates the areas of common and different interests as well as objectives in the Polish and German policy towards East, particularly at the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century. In spite of observing fewer differences between Poland and Germany in their present policy towards Russia, the article aims to emphasize the discrepancies that still exist and are visible in the bilateral as well as multilateral relations. At the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century, the Polish and German positions towards Russia and post‑soviet countries are noticeably more coherent than before. One of the main reasons is the modification of Polish Eastern policy by introducing pragmatic thinking (so‑called positive realism), implemented at the end of 2007 by the Polish government run by the Civic Platform (PO) and Polish People's Party (PSL). At the same time, the Angela's Merkel government introduced more critical attitude towards Russia. Nonetheless, in spite of growing convergence of interests in Polish and German policy towards Russia, there have been significant discrepancies. The main differences have been related to the role of Russia in the Commonwealth of Independent States and in the European security system. Therefore, Poland and Germany have had different opinion on the role of Russia: should it be a partner or a threat? To what extend the process of Europeanization of Russia should be introduced? There is also a discrepancy between Poland and Germany related to the following question: which relations among the post‑soviet countries should be prioritized, should it be relations with Ukraine or with Russia?
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; The article aims to present the stand of relationship between Germany and Poland in context of changes that took place in the EU Common Foreign, Security and Defense Policy and New East Policy of Germany and Germany's Russia policy deeply infl uence threw aggressive Russian policy agents Ukraine and adders postsoviet countries. Author also analyses Poland's "resets" with Germany and Russia and interested in changing German-Russian relationship in the future. German see Russia as a partner due to its global role while Poles see it as a partner due to its geographic proximity and needs to stabilize the region. While Germans do not see Russia as a direct threat Poles understand why Ukraine, Belarus, and the Caucasus see it as a threat. Poland and Germany has consistently supported the strengthening of cooperation between member states within Common Foreign, Security and Defense Policy of the European Union with an aim of making this international organization gain a status of the key player in the international politics in the future.
This article deals with the Western countries reaction on "Arab Spring" phenomenon (a revolutionary wave of demonstration and protests against the power of country), especially the United States, Germany and France. The selection of countries was based on the following criteria: first of all, the US is a major power in the World and a member of North Atlantic Treaty Organization; secondly, France and Germany are main European players due to European Union membership. Additionally, France maintains good relations with North African countries, while Germany is more neutral and represents economic power within the European continent, which might gain the trust of Arabic World. ; Artykuł został poświęcony reakcji krajów zachodniej części globu na zjawisko "Arabskiej Wiosny" (rewolucyjnej fali demonstracji i protestów przeciwko panującej władzy) na przykładzie Stanów Zjednoczonych, Niemiec i Francji. Wybór państw dokonano w oparciu o następujące kryteria: po pierwsze – USA są mocarstwem globalnym i członkiem Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego; po drugie – Francja i Niemcy należą do istotnych graczy europejskich ze względu na przynależność do struktur Unii Europejskiej. Dodatkowo Francja posiada dobre relacje z krajami Afryki Północnej, natomiast Niemcy są bardziej neutralne i stanowią potęgę gospodarczą w obrębie własnego kontynentu, co może budzić zaufanie świata arabskiego.
The attitude of the National Democracy towards the Soviet Union based on two factors: its political, military and economic weakness, which prevented Soviet aggressive foreign policy and common interest of Poland and the USSR, which was defence against German expansion in the East. So National Democracy wanted to have good relations with the Soviet state and objected of any intervention in internal affairs of the Soviet Union. National camp demanded from the USSR peacefulpolicy, stabilization on the Polish-Soviet border and cooperation in defending the territorial order in this part of Europe.The real relations between Poland and the USSR weren't so optimistic. The National Democracy accused communist government in Russia of the preparations to european revolution and to force all the countries to adopt totalitarian system. The ways of realization of that plan were Polish-Soviet war (1919-1920) and help given to Polish communists by the USSR in destructive activity against the Polish Republic. The National Democracy criticized east neighbour on dislike for political and economic cooperation with Poland, too. For the USSR better partners were Germany or France than poor Poland and national leaders had to resign from theirs conception of keeping close cooperation with the USSR.Poland was situated between Germany and the Soviet Union, what had grave influence on national conception of mutual relations with both neighbours. For the National Democracy Germany was the most dangerous enemy of the Polish state, so a natural partner had to be seek in the USSR. That's why, despite failures, national leaders during interwar period didn't change their main idea on good relations with the east neighbour on political and economic ground and were convinced, that the Soviet government would eventually change its foreign policy. Some political events strengthened the national camp in its conviction: a treaty of non-aggression, trade relations or influential Soviet politicians' speeches, for example ministries of foreign affairs, about the necessity of cooperation with Poland. But belief in their own conceptions caused misunderstanding of the real aims of the USSR, which were at odds with interests of Poland and based on intentions to destroy the Polish state.
The attitude of the National Democracy towards the Soviet Union based on two factors: its political, military and economic weakness, which prevented Soviet aggressive foreign policy and common interest of Poland and the USSR, which was defence against German expansion in the East. So National Democracy wanted to have good relations with the Soviet state and objected of any intervention in internal affairs of the Soviet Union. National camp demanded from the USSR peacefulpolicy, stabilization on the Polish-Soviet border and cooperation in defending the territorial order in this part of Europe.The real relations between Poland and the USSR weren't so optimistic. The National Democracy accused communist government in Russia of the preparations to european revolution and to force all the countries to adopt totalitarian system. The ways of realization of that plan were Polish-Soviet war (1919-1920) and help given to Polish communists by the USSR in destructive activity against the Polish Republic. The National Democracy criticized east neighbour on dislike for political and economic cooperation with Poland, too. For the USSR better partners were Germany or France than poor Poland and national leaders had to resign from theirs conception of keeping close cooperation with the USSR.Poland was situated between Germany and the Soviet Union, what had grave influence on national conception of mutual relations with both neighbours. For the National Democracy Germany was the most dangerous enemy of the Polish state, so a natural partner had to be seek in the USSR. That's why, despite failures, national leaders during interwar period didn't change their main idea on good relations with the east neighbour on political and economic ground and were convinced, that the Soviet government would eventually change its foreign policy. Some political events strengthened the national camp in its conviction: a treaty of non-aggression, trade relations or influential Soviet politicians' speeches, for example ministries of foreign affairs, about the necessity of cooperation with Poland. But belief in their own conceptions caused misunderstanding of the real aims of the USSR, which were at odds with interests of Poland and based on intentions to destroy the Polish state.
The article presents the basic determinants of Hungarian foreign policy in reference to the region of Central and Eastern Europe over the last quarter of a century. The author discusses the country's relations with its neighbouring countries, as well as the two largest political entities in the region, namely Russia and Germany. The political analysis is supplemented with an overview of economic and commercial exchange carried out by Hungary with other countries in the region. Hungary's activities on the international scene are also presented in relation to group cooperation: the Visegrad Group, Central European Initiative, EU policy on the Eastern Partnership. Moreover, the author analyses independent steps Hungary has taken in Central and Eastern Europe in terms of its relations with the Balkan countries. The article ends with a presentation of the Hungarian position regarding the sphere of security policy as an expression of the country's focus on securing their own interests, which may cause conflict with the interests of regional organizations that have Hungary among their members.
Poland supported George W. Bush's Iraqi policy and sent soldiers who were supposed to fight, together with Americans, against Saddam Hussein's regime. The decision was highly risky for Poland, as it had been taken at the time when Poland was just about to enter the European Union. Both Germany and France, playing crucial role in the EU, were against any military sanctions towards Iraq. There were predictions that Polish actions, contrary to the European power's vision, would result in a serious crisis. There were even fears that it would impede Poland joining the EU. Indeed, the crisis occurred, however it soon became only the background for European problems. Iraqi issue led also to the deterioration of the relations between Poland and Russia. Moscow's government did not approve of the consolidation of American's position in the Middle-East and in Middle-East Europe.
Polish-German relations after the reunification of Germany constitute an interesting field of research, which results from difficult and painful relations in a distant history, a whole range of mutual stereotypes but also positive experiences. The author believes that against this background their balance in the last three decades is positive. To confirm this thesis, the article makes – and this is its main goal – the selection of more important areas of mutual relations, starting from their treaty regulation in the years 1990–1991. Great emphasis was placed on the multilateral context of Polish- German relations, including the role of Germany as Poland's advocate in efforts to join the EU and NATO, an outline of the eastern policy of both countries (attitude towards Russia and Ukraine) but also disputable issues, such as controversy around the decision-making system in the EU and major bilateral problems. The article uses monographs in the field of German studies, publications of German research centers, scientific journals, press and websites of the German government and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Auswärtiges Amt). ; Stosunki polsko-niemieckie po zjednoczeniu Niemiec stanowią interesującą płaszczyznę badań, co wynika z trudnych i bolesnych relacji w historii, całego szeregu wzajemnych stereotypów, ale i pozytywnych doświadczeń. Autor uważa, że na tym tle ich bilans w ostatnich trzech dekadach wypada pozytywnie. Na potwierdzenie tej tezy w artykule dokonano – i to jest jego zasadniczym celem – selekcji istotniejszych płaszczyzn wzajemnych relacji, poczynając od ich traktatowego uregulowania w latach 1990–1991. Duży nacisk został położony na multilateralny kontekst stosunków polsko-niemieckich, m.in. na rolę Niemiec jako adwokata Polski w staraniach o przyjęcie do UE i NATO, zarys polityki wschodniej obu państw (stosunek do Rosji i Ukrainy), ale i kwestie sporne, jak np. kontrowersje wokół systemu decyzyjnego w UE i ważniejsze problemy bilateralne. W artykule wykorzystano monografi e z zakresu problematyki niemcoznawczej, publikacje niemieckich ośrodków badawczych, czasopisma naukowe, prasę oraz strony internetowe niemieckiego rządu i resortu spraw zagranicznych (Auswärtiges Amt).
The objective of the article is to characterize the main trends in development of contemporaneous international affairs (intensification of globalization processes; raise of autonomous or even separatist tendencies; increase of tendencies described as "clash of civilizations"; evolution of international system from unipolar to multipolar world order; mounting environmental issues) and to discuss the most important, according to the author, tendencies in the political environment surrounding Poland. The international context in which Poland in situated has deteriorated during the last few years; that refers to the country's close neighborhood as well as Europe on the whole. New elements that emerged in the international affairs led to new dilemmas in Polish foreign policy, including the necessity to choose between continuation of the politics implemented by the Polish government until now or the potential need to modify it (i.e. Polish foreign policy towards Germany and Polish foreign policy towards its Eastern neighbors).
