In the first part of the paper the author deals with some general aspects of the very complex process of trade negotiations. He explains that trade negotiations, bilateral or multilateral, are the basis for establishment of the international trade regime. In order to understand multilateral trade negotiations one should be familiar with its basis, which is composed of rules & procedures. Also, it is necessary to take into consideration the fact that these rules & procedures have not emerged at once but have been introduced in the process of adjustment to the needs of negotiators. In the second part of the paper the author considers the procedures in multilateral trade negotiations within the GATT/WTO international trade system. References. Adapted from the source document.
The European Union and the United States of America perceive differently China's political & economic burgeoning. For the EU China's economic growth is a welcome development as it implies boosting the "strategic partnership," while the US thinks of it not only in the term of rivalry but also as a threat because of China's growing political & military power. Unlike the US, which focuses on the security aspect of foreign policy, the European security policy is still nascent & the Union usually does not perceive the states outside its borders as dangerous. The author argues that the complexity of the EU policies towards China means that there is yet no EU polity so the interests of various member-countries clash with the interests of the Union on the whole. The author concludes that the US will remain apprehensive regarding the potentials of China as the second superpower that might jeopardize US hegemony, while for the EU the latent political-security threat is much less important than the economic benefits. References. Adapted from the source document.
The European Union and the United States of America perceive differently China's political & economic burgeoning. For the EU China's economic growth is a welcome development as it implies boosting the "strategic partnership," while the US thinks of it not only in the term of rivalry but also as a threat because of China's growing political & military power. Unlike the US, which focuses on the security aspect of foreign policy, the European security policy is still nascent & the Union usually does not perceive the states outside its borders as dangerous. The author argues that the complexity of the EU policies towards China means that there is yet no EU polity so the interests of various member-countries clash with the interests of the Union on the whole. The author concludes that the US will remain apprehensive regarding the potentials of China as the second superpower that might jeopardize US hegemony, while for the EU the latent political-security threat is much less important than the economic benefits. References. Adapted from the source document.
The problems of democratic legitimation & the ineffectiveness of the democratic system characterize the postsocialist societies despite their normative-institutional democratic constitution. The socioeconomic conditions affect democratization, but it seems that the sociocultural factors (especially the patterns of dominant political cultures) are the key determinants for the survival & development of the democratic political system. Transitional societies are marked by developmental discontinuity. Normative-institutional & culturological changes possess different dynamics & do not occur concurrently. This discrepancy brings into question the legitimacy & success of democratic consolidation. Such an interactive relationship between the political culture & the political system (structure) makes up the framework for the study of major political-cultural preconditions for democratization. The paper deals with the sociocultural features of transition, the nature of cultural changes (value changes & institutional learning), political trust, legitimacy, the features of civic political culture, the attitude towards power & authority, political participation, the role of political elites, the sociocultural aspect of economic development, & the interest in politics. It is possible to overcome the distinctive discrepancy between culture & structure primarily by means of the transformation of sociocultural preconditions i.e. as democratic resocialization (through the processes of value change & institutional learning). It turns out that democratic consolidation is essentially defined by this sociocultural transformation. Sociocultural conditions i.e. political-cultural preconditions, are the key predictors of the success of the democratizational process. Apart from the implemented values of democracy & the citizens' acceptance of these values, democracy also requires active citizenry, hence the expansion of citizens' participation is seen as the main goal of that transformation. References. Adapted from the source document.
The article opens with an introduction to the key aspects of the globalization debates and their controversies, while it later deals with the crisis of the national model of citizenship. Since the 1990's the debate is between the advocates of two conflicting theses. According to the first camp of authors, citizenship has proven resistant to the globalization changes in the economic, political and cultural sphere, and even capable of revival. On the other side, it has been argued that the identity of a person, as a member of a national community, was gradually separated from its human and civil rights. That led to the establishment of a 'postnational model of membership' -- individual and group rights independent of citizenship. According to the second camp, the nation state was fundamentally transformed and it has become an instrument for implementation of the international conventions and norms of human rights understood as personal instead of citizenship rights. There are also attempts to reconcile the two standpoints. These authors recognize the challenges to the conventional national mode of citizenship, but argue that the processes of citizenship transformation are primarily an internal issue for the liberal democracies. Some authors try to step out of the narrow and exclusive conceptual frameworks of the nation state and postnational membership, attempting to explain the conflicting transformation processes of citizenship rights. There are also proposals for new concepts of citizenship -- a multicultural and a supranational, for example -- as a response to the challenges of globalization and international migration. Finally, postmodern writers talk about postmodern or a cosmopolitan citizenship that is not immediately tied to the nation-state. Adapted from the source document.
The article opens with an introduction to the key aspects of the globalization debates and their controversies, while it later deals with the crisis of the national model of citizenship. Since the 1990's the debate is between the advocates of two conflicting theses. According to the first camp of authors, citizenship has proven resistant to the globalization changes in the economic, political and cultural sphere, and even capable of revival. On the other side, it has been argued that the identity of a person, as a member of a national community, was gradually separated from its human and civil rights. That led to the establishment of a 'postnational model of membership' -- individual and group rights independent of citizenship. According to the second camp, the nation state was fundamentally transformed and it has become an instrument for implementation of the international conventions and norms of human rights understood as personal instead of citizenship rights. There are also attempts to reconcile the two standpoints. These authors recognize the challenges to the conventional national mode of citizenship, but argue that the processes of citizenship transformation are primarily an internal issue for the liberal democracies. Some authors try to step out of the narrow and exclusive conceptual frameworks of the nation state and postnational membership, attempting to explain the conflicting transformation processes of citizenship rights. There are also proposals for new concepts of citizenship -- a multicultural and a supranational, for example -- as a response to the challenges of globalization and international migration. Finally, postmodern writers talk about postmodern or a cosmopolitan citizenship that is not immediately tied to the nation-state. Adapted from the source document.
Promatrana s aspekta prostornog planiranja, rijeka Sava je prostor sučeljavanja određenih prostornih, prirodnih i gospodarskih odrednica. Pravilno i svrsishodno planiranje ima neprocjenjivo značenje upravo zato što se jedino na takav način prostor rijeke može urediti za racionalno korištenje. Valja istaknuti da racionalno korištenje podrazumijeva i zaštitu ukupnih vrijednosti ovoga prostora. Posebnu pozornost potrebno je posvetiti definiranju prostornog obuhvata plana takvoga specifičnog prostora. Naime, postojeći prostorni planovi koncipirani su na način da im je rijeka Sava granica, a ne okosnica. Takav pristup, potaknut transgraničnom problematikom susjednih država, poglavito Hrvatske i BiH, onemogućuje racionalno korištenje, razvoj i zaštitu prostora. Preduvjeti pravilnog procesa planiranja područja rijeke Save su vrjednovanje i određivanje zajedničkih kriterija i elemenata korištenja ovoga prostora. To posljednje odnosi se na političke okolnosti jer se radi o rijeci koja protječe kroz nekoliko susjednih država. Dakle, radi se o prostornom planiranju koje, u slučaju rijeke Save, ima nadnacionalnu važnost jer svaki pogrješan korak dovodi u opasnost uravnoteženi i održivi razvoj širega prostora. Uzimajući u obzir svu složenost navedene problematike, svrha je ovoga rada dati doprinos razumijevanju procesa prostornog planiranja na način da ono rezultira održivim upravljanjem i razvojem savskog prostora. ; From the spatial planning aspect the river Sava is the meeting area of numerous spatial, natural and economic determinants. Appropriate and purposeful planning has an inestimable importance due to the fact that it is the only way for the rational utilization of the river basin. It should be emphasized that rational utilization also includes the overall protection of mentioned area. Special attention should be dedicated to the problem of defining spatial plan borders, because of the specific characteristics of the area. Namely,current spatial plans of the river Sava basin are outlined in a way that Sava river is their border instead of their skeleton. That approach, induced by cross-border issues between the neighbouring countries, especially Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, disables the rational utilization, development and protection of the area. The preconditions of purposefully planning process of the Sava river are evaluation and determination of the common utilization of criteria and elements of the area. The latter refers to political circumstances since the river Sava flowsthroughseveral neighbouring countries. Consequently, it is a question of a spatial planning which, in case of the Sava river, has above-national importance because every faulty step jeopardizes balanced and sustainable development of a wide area. Taking into consideration the whole complexity of above mentioned, the main aim of this paper is to give contribution to the understanding of the spatial planning process in the way that planning, by itself, results in the sustainable management and development of the Sava river area.
