Suchergebnisse

Sukob niskog intenziteta je koncept čiji začetci datiraju u osamdesete godine prošlog stoljeća, a definira se kao političko-vojna konfrontacija između suprotstavljenih država ili skupina koja je slabijeg intenziteta od konvencionalnog rata i jačeg od mirne i rutinske konkurencije država. Često uključuje dugotrajne borbe konkurentskih načela i ideologija, a kreće se od subverzije do uporabe oružane sile. Vođen je kombinacijom sredstava, primjenom političkih, ekonomskih, informacijskih i vojnih instrumenata. Sukobi niskog intenziteta često su lokalnog karaktera, uglavnom u zemljama u razvoju, ali sadrže regionalne i globalne sigurnosne implikacije. Najznačajniji sadržaj ; Low-intensity conflict is a concept whose beginnings date back to the 1980s and it is defined as a political-military confrontation between contending states or groups below the intensity of conventional war and above the routine, peaceful competition among states. It frequently involves protracted struggles of competing principles and ideologies. Low-intensity conflict ranges from subversion to the use of the armed forces. It is waged by a combination of means, employing political, economic, informational and military instruments. Low-intensity conflicts are often localized, generally in developing countries, but contain regional and global security implications. The most significant content of the low-intensity con flict in the country being acted upon is insurgency, whether it is being helped or crushed. Insurgency is an organized, armed political struggle aimed at seizing power through revolutionary takeover and replacement of the existing government. This paper provides an overview of previous research on the topic of low-intensity conflict and presents its key components.

Odnos društva i prostora karakteriziran je dinamikom načina života, vrijednosti, normi i običaja koji pokreću razvojne procese. U taj odnos kulture i prirode, čovjek unosi društvene vrijednosti kojima djeluje na prirodne resurse. Stoga, socio-prostorna analiza uključuje različite aspekte: ekološki, ambijentalni, ekonomski, socijalni, kulturni, a odgovornost za različite procese kojima se prostor transformira može se pripisati različitim socijalnim akterima, među kojima lokalna zajednica ima posebnu ulogu. Suvremene planerske prakse, na temelju koncepata komunikativnog planiranja, sve više naglašavaju primjerenost pristupa "odozdo" i važnost uključivanja lokalne zajednice u sve faze planiranja i implementacije prostornih strategija. Pri tome treba naglasiti konsenzus oko dvije vrijednosti: ekološke i socijalne održivosti. Na njima se, posljedično, oblikuju i kriteriji djelovanja. Ekološka održivost odnosi se na zaštitu cjeline života i životnih uvjeta. Socijalna održivost odnosi se na uvođenje participativnog procesa, postizanje uravnotežene zajednice, socijalne kohezije i zajednice koja je pravedna, raznovrsna, povezana i demokratična. Ovim se nastoji osigurati razvoj koji bi bio ekološki održiv i socijalno nekonfliktan. Analiza socio-prostornog razvoja Sjeverozapadne Hrvatske obuhvatila je pet županija:. Na prvoj razini analizirani su prostorni planovi pet županija s ciljem da se utvrdi u kojoj mjeri uključuju dimenzije socijalne i ekološke održivosti. Na drugoj strani razmatrani su rezultati dva istraživanja stavova lokalnog stanovništva u pogledu participacije u zajednici i stavova o okolišu i rizicima. Rezultati su pokazali da je koncept ekološke održivosti prihvaćen od strane lokalnog stanovništva i uključen u plansku dokumentaciju. S druge strane, koncept socijalne održivosti nije uključen u županijske planove. Lokalna javnost kao partner, participacija, informiranje i jačanje lokalne demokracije nije implementirana u prostorne planove. Anketna istraživanja pokazala su da su ekološke vrijednosti visoko su izražene i čine dobru vrijednosnu osnovu razvoja. U pogledu praksi socijalne održivosti, oko 30% lokalnih stanovnika ovog prostora, u svakodnevnom životu sudjeluje u participativnom procesu. Rezultati upućuju na potrebu da se usklade normativna razina i svakodnevne prakse. Ideju o lokalnoj javnosti kao partneru u planiranju potrebno je afirmirati i na normativnoj razini, kroz prostorne planove, kako bi se ojačale demokratske procedure i stvorio okvir za efikasnije djelovanje civilnog sektora koji već i sada djeluje u lokalnim zajednicama. ; The relationship between society and space is characterized by lifestyle dynamics, values, norms and habits that drive development processes. In such interactions between culture and nature, people bring social values by which they affect natural resources. Therefore, socio-spatial analyses include different aspects: ecological, ambient, economic, social, cultural, while responsibility for the different processes that transform space can be associated with different social actors. Among them, the local community has a special role. Contemporary planning practices based on communicative planning concepts, more than ever, emphasize the relevance of the bottom-up approach as well as the importance of including local community in every phase of planning and implementing spatial strategies. To this end, it should be stressed that there is a consensus on two values: ecological as well as social sustainability, which in turn, also shape criteria for acting. Ecological sustainability refers to protecting conditions for life and life as a whole. Social sustainability refers to implementing participation, achieving balanced community, social cohesion and a just, diverse, connected and democratic community. In this way, we should try to ensure ecologically sustainable and socially unambiguous development. The analysis of socio-spatial development in North-west Croatia includes five counties. In the first stage, spatial planning documents are analysed in order to answer the extent to which they include dimensions of social and ecological sustainability. At the next stage, results of the two surveys are discussed regarding locals' attitudes about community participation as well as environmental attitudes. The results show that the concept of ecological sustainability is incorporated within planning documentation, and well-accepted by residents. On the other hand, the sociological sustainability concept is not included in the official planning documentation. The ideas of partnering with local community, and participating, informing and strengthening local democracy are not implemented in the spatial planning documents. Surveys have shown that high levels of ecological sustainability are a positive basis for development. Regarding social sustainability practices, approximately 30% of respondents have experience in participation processes in the local community. These results suggest a need to harmonise normative acts with life practices in the field of participation. The idea of the local public as partner in the planning procedures should be affirmed also at the normative level throughout spatial planning documents, in an attempt to improve democratic procedures and ensure the institutional framework for civil society actions that are already present in the local community.

Polazeći od činjenice da su brzo širenje virusa SARS-CoV-2 i provedba strategija socijalnog distanciranja dramatično utjecali na sve aspekte života ljudi na globalnoj, nacionalnoj i mikro razini, ovaj rad se fokusira na ispitivanje utjecaja pandemije COVID-19 na gospodarski učinak odabranih europskih zemalja. Kako bi se uočio i razumio ovaj utjecaj, korištena je složena metodologija istraživanja koja se temelji na kombiniranoj primjeni prikladnih univarijatnih i multivarijatnih metoda statističke analize. Klasifikacija 40 europskih zemalja u različite grupe u pogledu odabranog seta COVID-19 pokazatelja u 2020. godini izvršena je primjenom hijerarhijske aglomerativne klaster analize, dok je za statističku ocjenu kvalitete dobivenog rješenja korišten ne-hijerarhijski postupak baziran na k-means metodi. Klasifikacija koja se sastoji od četiri klastera zemalja identificirana je kao "optimalno" rješenje. Analiza i usporedba profila formiranih klastera zemalja s obzirom na njihove prosječne stope rasta BDP-a u 2020. godini provodi se statističkim metodama deskriptivne analize i testiranja hipoteza. Provedeno istraživanje otkriva da je klaster zemalja s relativno "manjom" ozbiljnošću COVID-19 zdravstvenih posljedica zabilježio višu prosječnu stopu rasta BDP-a u usporedbi s klasterima zemalja koje su pretrpjele teže posljedice, i obratno. Dobiveni rezultati koji upućuju na povezanost veličine negativnih zdravstvenih i gospodarskih posljedica COVID-19 pandemije mogu poslužiti kao dodatna potpora kreatorima politike u donošenju odluka usmjerenih na ublažavanje posljedica pandemije i suzbijanje krize. ; Starting from the fact that the rapid spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus and the implementation of social distancing strategies have dramatically affected all aspects of human lives at global, national, and micro levels, this paper focuses on examining the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the economic performance of selected European countries. To perceive and understand this impact, the authors applied a complex research ...

Biti suvremenik stvaranja novoga novčanog sustava privilegij je malo generacija. Taj naš privilegij još je i veći zato što su se te aktivnosti u Hrvatskoj odvijale u iznimnim i osobito složenim uvjetima (raspad jedne državne zajednice u kojoj se Hrvatska nalazila, okupacija dijela hrvatskoga državnoga teritorija, agresija na nju i rat te sve posljedice koje te okolnosti donose). Složenost takvih prilika znatno je utjecala na novčarstvo i načine uređenja novčarskih pitanja. U relativno kratkom razdoblju (od prosinca 1991. do rujna 1997.) na teritoriju Hrvatske egzistirala su četiri novčana sustava koja su se dijelom vremenski poklapala (dva novčana sustava suverene države te dva novčana sustava okupatorske vlasti). Kao rezultat aktivnosti monetarnih vlasti (legalnih i okupacijskih) u optjecaju na području Hrvatske kao zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja u promatranome razdoblju bile su četiri novčane jedinice (hrvatski dinar /HRD/ i hrvatska kuna /HRK/ – na teritoriju pod hrvatskom vlašću, i to u slijedu, te tzv. krajinski dinar i jugoslavenski dinar /YUD/ na okupiranim dijelovima Hrvatske također u slijedu uz djelomično vremensko preklapanje tih novčanih sustava s novčanim sustavom suverene Hrvatske). Dvije novčane jedinice imale su podjelu na stote dijelove (hrvatska kuna te jugoslavenski dinar). Dvije novčane jedinice u istraživanome razdoblju nisu realizirane: hrvatska kruna s podjelom na stote dijelove – banice, opredmećena samo u obliku idejnih rješenja i dijelom u obliku probnih otisaka, te jedna novčana jedinica bez odabranog imena samo u pokušaju nametanja zakonskog rješenja kojim bi ona postala zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja na dijelu okupiranoga područja Republike Hrvatske pod srpskom vlašću – na području tzv. Srpske Krajine. Oslobađanjem okupiranih dijelova hrvatskoga teritorija tijekom 1991., 1992. i 1993. godine na tim prostorno i brojem stanovnika nevelikim područjima hrvatski dinar postaje zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja. Područja koja su oslobođena vojnim akcijama 1995. godine – zapadna Slavonija (vojna akcija Bljesak) te sjeverna Dalmacija, Lika, Kordun i Banija (vojna akcija Oluja) i uspostavom hrvatskog suvereniteta na tim područjima uspostavlja se i hrvatska monetarna vlast i hrvatska kuna postaje jedino zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja i na tim dijelovima hrvatskoga teritorija. Konačno, mirnom reintegracijom i preostalih područja Republike Hrvatske - istočne Slavonije, Baranje i zapadnog Srijema - kuna postaje jedino zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja na njezinom cjelokupnom teritoriju 1997. godine. Emisija vlastitoga optjecajnoga kovinskog novca osobito je zahtjevna djelatnost i ima dugoročne posljedice. Kreacija tih novčanih artefakata treba udovoljiti, osim potrebama novčanoga prometa, i ekonomskim zahtjevima, prvenstveno glede troškova njihove izrade, te estetskim zahtjevima njihovih korisnika. U radu se uspoređuju emisije hrvatskog optjecajnoga kovinskog novca s emisijama toga novčanog oblika u tri države u navedenom razdoblju u kontekstu njegovih obilježja, aterijala izrade i pojedinih elemenata vezanih za gospodarenje tim novčanim oblikom. ; Few generations are privileged to witness the creation of a new monetary system. In Croatia the privilege is even greater because this took place under exceptional and extremely complex conditions (the dissolution of a state of which Croatia had been a part, the occupation of part of Croatian state territory, aggression against it and war, with all the consequences that these circumstances bring). The complexity of this situation had a great influence on the monetary sphere and on the way in which this issue was arranged. Four partly overlapping monetary systems existed on the territory of Croatia in a relatively short time (from December 1991 to September 1997), two monetary systems of the sovereign state and two systems of the occupying entities. As a result of the activities undertaken by the monetary authorities (legal and occupational) four monetary units were used as legal tender in circulation in Croatia in the period observed (Croatian dinar /HRD/ and Croatian kuna /HRK/ - in succession on the territory under Croatian rule, and the so-called Krajina dinar and Yugoslav dinar /YUD/ in the occupied parts of Croatia, also used in succession, with the partial overlapping in time of those monetary systems with the monetary system of sovereign Croatia). Two of the monetary units were divided in hundredths (the Croatian kuna and Yugoslav dinar). In that period there were also two monetary units that were never used: the Croatian kruna divided into one hundred banicas, which only got as far as the conceptual stage and partly took the form of trial prints, and a monetary unit that was never even named and was only planned as a way to find a solution for legal tender in the parts of occupied Croatia under Serb rule – on the territory of so-called Serb Krajina. When some of the occupied parts of Croatia were liberated during 1991, 1992 and 1993, the Croatian dinar became legal tender in these areas, as well, but they were not large either in territory or in number of inhabitants. In 1995 some areas were liberated by military action – western Slavonia (military operation Flash) and northern Dalmatia, Lika, Kordun and Banija (military operation Storm), and with the establishment of Croatian sovereignty there, Croatian monetary authority was also introduced and the Croatian kuna became the only legal tender there, as well. Finally, the remaining areas of the Republic of Croatia – eastern Slavonia, Baranja and western Srijem – were peacefully reintegrated and the kuna became the only legal tender in all of Croatia in 1997. The circulation of coins is an especially demanding task and has long-lasting repercussions. The creation of new money must satisfy the needs of monetary traffic and economic demands, in the first place regarding the costs of its coinage, but also meet the aesthetic demands of their users. In the article the author compares the issue of Croatian coins with issues of coins in three states in the given period, from the aspect of their characteristics, material of production and certain elements connected with managing this monetary form.

U radu se obrađuju emisije optjecajnog kovinskog novca država članica Europske unije koje koriste nacionalni novac kao zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja (države članice s odstupanjem) sa aspekta utjecaja tih okolnosti na obvezu uvođenja zajedničke valute. Godine 2021. to su Bugarska, Češka, Danska, Hrvatska, Mađarska, Poljska, Rumunjska i Švedska. Prema Ugovoru o osnivanju Europske unije države članice ove asocijacije su obvezne (uz dvije iznimke) uvesti zajedničku valutu Unije - euro u trenutku kada ispune uvjete za to. Ovakvo uređenje novčanog suvereniteta u Europskoj uniji implicira da u ovoj zajednici sada postoji devet različitih valutnih područja. Jedno, ujedno i najveće novčano područje je eurozona sa zajedničkom valutom i čini ga devetnaest država članica Unije te osam novčanih područja (država) s nacionalnom valutom. Države članice s odstupanjem su dužne ispunjavati svoje obveze u odnosu na ostvarenje ekonomske i monetarne unije kao najvišeg stupnja integracije. Ove aktivnosti su predmet valorizacije najmanje svake dvije godine ili po zahtjevu države članice s odstupanjem. Novčana rješenja u segmentu optjecajnog kovinskog novca u državama Europske unije sa nacionalnim novcem su različita i drukčija od uređenja u eurozoni. Prije svega se to odnosi na gospodarenje ovim novcem, ali i numizmatičkim aspektima njihovih izdanja kao i tradicijom u pojedinim sredinama. Stoga ovakvo stanje ima i utjecaj na proces uvođenja zajedničkog novca u tim državama. Zajednički optjecajni kovinski novac u Europskoj uniji je euro i njegov stoti dio euro cent. Ovaj je novac zakonsko sredstvo plaćanja na području svih država koje su ga prihvatile i one čine eurozonu. Svaka država emitent ovoga novca samostalno uređuje njegov avers dok je revers zajednički. Optjecajni kovinski novac, unatoč činjenici da bezgotovinska plaćanja postaju sve zastupljenija, i dalje, posebno u nekim sredinama, je izuzetno prisutan i značajan novčani oblik. Kroz analizu veličine apoenskog niza emisija optjecajnog kovinskog novca u svakoj državi koja koristi nacionalnu valutu, materijala koji se koristi u njihovoj izradi, vremenu puštanja ovih apoena u optjecaj te njihovoj kupovnoj snazi zaključuje se o monetarnim politikama u segmentu optjecajnog novca ovih država i odrazu istih na prihvaćanje zajedničkog novca. U radu se daje prikaz značajnijih novčanih unija u povijesti te osnovne specifičnosti novčanih rješenja u Europskoj uniji. ; The article addresses the issue of circulating coins of the EU member states that use their national currency as legal tender (member states with a derogation), from the aspect of how these circumstances affect the obligation to introduce the common currency. In 2021, these were Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Hungary, Poland, Rumania and Sweden. In accordance with the Founding Treaties of the EU, the member states of this association have the obligation (with two exceptions) to introduce the common EU currency – the euro, at the moment when they meet conditions to do so. This way of regulating EU monetary sovereignty implies that this community at present has nine different currency areas. The largest currency region is the Eurozone with a common currency, and it consists of nineteen EU member states, and there are also eight currency regions (states) that use their national currencies. The member states with a derogation have the obligation to fulfil their commitments with respect to joining the economic and monetary union as the highest level of integration. These activities are evaluated at least every two years, or on demand of a member state with derogation. The monetary solutions concerning the circulating coins in the EU states with national currency are different from the regulation in the Eurozone. In the first place this refers to managing this currency, but also to numismatic aspects of their issuing and the tradition of particular countries. This state of affairs also influences the process of introducing the common currency in these countries. The common circulating coins in the EU are the euro and its hundredth part, the euro cent. This currency is legal tender in all the states that introduced it and they make up the Eurozone. Each country that issued these coins independently regulated their obverse, while the reverse is common. The circulating coins are still, although noncash payment is increasing, a very present and important form of payment, especially in some communities. Through analysing the denominations of the currency in each state that uses the national currency, the material used to produce it, the time when these denominations were issued and their market value, the author concludes about the monetary policies concerning the circulating currency in these states and how they will be reflected on accepting the common currency. The article also gives a survey of the more important monetary unions in history and the basic specifics of the monetary solutions in the EU.

Investicijska politika i ulaganje predstavljaju bitne zadatke, ali istovremeno i probleme gotovo svih društveno – ekonomskih sustava. Ulaganje predstavlja platformu razvoja i nužnost opstanka tržišno – ekonomskih sustava, a podrazumijeva poduzimanje odgovarajućih mjera i aktivnosti kako bi se uloženi kapital, putem odabrane djelatnosti, trajno uvećavao. Ekonomski pokazatelji, posebno u razdoblju ekonomske krize, oslikavaju nepovoljne i općeprisutne tendencije neželjenog poslovnog rezultata, proizlaze iz neodgovarajuće politike poslovanja, pri čemu investiranje i investicijsku politiku možemo označiti liderima u području poslovnih neuspjeha. Nemogućnost preciznog predviđanja poslovnih ishoda vezanih za investicijska ulaganja, vremenska disproporcija između ulaganja i njihovih početnih, a posebno optimalnih posljedica, kao i ireverzibilnost uloženih sredstava, dodatno otežavaju formulaciju odgovarajuće strategijske platforme investicijske politike. Modeliranje poslovnih strategija u uvjetima turbulentnih društveno – ekonomskih, tehnoloških, kao i tržišnih čimbenika predstavlja inspiraciju i izazov istraživaču da izborom odgovarajućeg teorijskog modela reprezentativno približi realnost. Vjerno preslikavanje realnosti podrazumijeva suptilan pristup klasifikaciji navedenih čimbenika prema važnosti, razini utjecaja, kao i odgovarajuću kvantifikaciju, prepoznavanje i uobličavanje oblika i mjere njihove međuzavisnosti. Model matematičke simulacije predstavlja teorijski model koji omogućava predviđanje poslovnih ishoda u uvjetima rizika uz njihovo iskazivanje korespondentno sa slučajnom komponentom koja na njih utječe. Ključno pitanje navedenog pristupa odnosi se na odgovarajući izbor distribucije vjerojatnosti slučajne varijable, prilagođene uvjetima ulaganja, pri čemu je potrebno uvažiti i empirijsku komponentu teritorijalno – zemljopisnog prostora na kojem se investicija realizira, a pri tome imati uvid i u druge aspekte izbora distribucije, kao što su iskustva u području odabranog područja ulaganja (granske specifičnosti) i prilagođenost određenom teorijskom modelu. Simuliranje efekata investicijskih ulaganja osigurava objektivan pristup strategijskom izboru i prikladan proračun monetarnih posljedica prije operacionalizacije projekta. ; Investment policy and investing represent essential tasks, and also major issues of almost all socio-economic systems. Investment represents a development platform and is necessary for survival of market and economic systems; it comprises undertaking appropriate measures and activities to have the invested capital continuously increasing through exercising selected operations. Economic indicators, especially in the period of economic crisis, reflect unfavourable and widespread tendencies of unwanted business result that arise from inadequate business policy, where investing and investment policy may be marked as leaders in the area of business failure. Impossibility to accurately assume business results related to the investment, time disproportion between the investment and its initial, and particularly, optimal effects, and also irreversibility of the investment, further complicate the formulation of adequate investment policy strategy platform. Modelling of business strategies in the exposure to turbulent socio-economic, technological and market factors is an inspiration and a challenge to the researcher to representatively mirror the reality by selecting an adequate theoretical model. Faithful mirroring of the reality involves a subtle approach to classification of these factors by importance, level of influence, and also adequate quantifying, identifying and shaping the form, as well as the extent of their interdependence. Mathematical simulation model is a theoretical model that allows prediction of business results in the risk exposure expressed correspondently with the random component that is influencing it. The major concern of the mentioned approach is an adequate selection of the probability distribution of a random variable, customized to the investment conditions. It is necessary here to take into account empiric component of a territorial-geographic area of the investment implementation, whereby it is necessary to have insight into other aspects of distribution selection, such as experiences in the selected investment area (sectoral specificity) and adjustment to particular theoretical model. Simulation of investment effects provides an objective approach to strategic choice and adequate calculation of monetary results before operationalization of the project.

Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje. Bez vanjske trgovine zemlja ne bi mogla biti konkurentna na svjetskom tržištu i ostvarivati devizna sredstva. Pitanje odnosa Turske i Europske unije kao nositelja europskog integracijskog procesa predmet je političkog i geostrateškog spora koji traje više od pedeset godina. Primarni razlozi za uporne zahtjeve Turske za priključenjem Europskoj uniji su, među ostalim, brojni Turci u Europi i važnost trgovine između njih. Turska je, međutim, također sve više razočarana široko rasprostranjenim protivljenjem njenom pristupanju među zemljama članicama EU. Čimbenici odnosa Republike Turske i Europske unije su : demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički problemi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija EU-Turska bila je okosnica okvira bilateralne trgovine. Za to vrijeme Turska je postala petom glavnom trgovinom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine robom od 140 milijardi eura u 2017. godini. Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% Turske globalne trgovine. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country. Without foreign trade the country could not be competitive on the world market and realize foreign currency assets. The question of the relationship between Turkey and the European Union as the bearer of the European integration process is the subject of a political and geostrategic dispute that lasts more than fifty years. The main reasons for persistent Turkey's demands for joining the European Union are, among other things, many Turks in Europe and the importance of trade between them. Turkey, however, is also increasingly disappointed with the widespread opposition to its accession among EU member states. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political ...

Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje. Bez vanjske trgovine zemlja ne bi mogla biti konkurentna na svjetskom tržištu i ostvarivati devizna sredstva. Pitanje odnosa Turske i Europske unije kao nositelja europskog integracijskog procesa predmet je političkog i geostrateškog spora koji traje više od pedeset godina. Primarni razlozi za uporne zahtjeve Turske za priključenjem Europskoj uniji su, među ostalim, brojni Turci u Europi i važnost trgovine između njih. Turska je, međutim, također sve više razočarana široko rasprostranjenim protivljenjem njenom pristupanju među zemljama članicama EU. Čimbenici odnosa Republike Turske i Europske unije su : demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički problemi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija EU-Turska bila je okosnica okvira bilateralne trgovine. Za to vrijeme Turska je postala petom glavnom trgovinom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine robom od 140 milijardi eura u 2017. godini. Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% Turske globalne trgovine. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country. Without foreign trade the country could not be competitive on the world market and realize foreign currency assets. The question of the relationship between Turkey and the European Union as the bearer of the European integration process is the subject of a political and geostrategic dispute that lasts more than fifty years. The main reasons for persistent Turkey's demands for joining the European Union are, among other things, many Turks in Europe and the importance of trade between them. Turkey, however, is also increasingly disappointed with the widespread opposition to its accession among EU member states. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political ...

U radu se nastoji pokazati kakva je bila uloga pripadnica gradske elite u zagrebačkome Gradecu. Upozorava se da su, iako direktno nisu sudjelovale u gradskoj vlasti, bile usko povezane s njezinim nositeljima. Govori se o njihovoj ulozi u prijenosu vlasništva i društvenoga ugleda kao i stvaranju političkih veza te time i formiranju gradske elite. ; Although women in medieval towns could not participate neither in the city government nor in the election of the city officers, they had influence in the shaping of the urban elite, as is demonstrated in this article on the example of Zagreb Gradec. Women in the medieval city of Zagreb were able to obtain the full right citizenship, which allowed them certain privileges. Besides that, they were treated equally to male heirs according to the inheritance law. They were also treated equally in many other aspects of the urban life such as trade or in the city court. Some women were among the richest inhabitants of the city community, as were Francisca Donati, Margareta Rybarica, Katarina, the widow of Sigismund Mauri, or Katarina Soldinar. Furthemore, the usual way of integration of the new members of the urban elite was marriage into a family which already belonged to the urban elite, whether by marrying a daughter of the prominent citizen who was a judge or a juror, or by marrying a widow of the former member of the elite. Good marriage often proved to be more useful for political climb than regular kinship ties by blood. In that way, prominent women played a great role in the integration or consolidation of the urban elite.

Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje kroz multiplikativni efekt koji se ogleda ne samo kroz ekonomske komponente već i kroz sociokulturni razvoj. Cilj rada bio je identificirati Tursku u europskom kontekstu međunarodnih odnosa, odnosno ukazati na komparativnu i konkurentsku ulogu Turske u vanjskotrgovinskom poslovanju. Čimbenici odnosa Turske u europskom kontekstu su: demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički izazovi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija Europske unije (EU) i Turske bila je okosnica razvoja u okviru bilateralne trgovine. U tom razdoblju Turska je postala petim glavnim trgovinskim partnerom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine od 140 milijardi eura (2017). Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% turske globalne trgovine. Istraživanje u radu temeljeno je na analizi sekundarnih izvora podataka, a metode sinteze i deskripcije primijenjene su u interpretaciji dobivenih rezultata i formiranja zaključaka. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju kako je integracija Turske u Europsku uniju određena kako "tvrdim" ekonomskim čimbenicima korisnosti, tako i "mekanim" čimbenicima kao što su osjećaj identiteta, religije ili stavovima prema imigrantima. Iako Turska pokazuje pozitivne ekonomske trendove u europskom kontekstu, "mekani" čimbenici ipak predstavljaju osnovnu barijeru integracije. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country through a multiplier effect reflected not only through economic components but also through socio-cultural development. The aim of the paper was to identify Turkey in the European context of international relations, that is, to highlight Turkey's comparative and competitive role in foreign trade. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political challanges. In the last two decades, the EU and Turkey customs union was the cornerstone of bilateral trade. At that time, Turkey became the world's fifth largest trade with the EU on a global scale worth EUR 140 billion in 2017. Similarly, the EU is Turkey's most important trading partner, representing 41% of Turkey's global trade. The research in this paper is based on the analysis of secondary data sources, and synthesis and descriptive methods have been applied in the interpretation of the obtained results and the formation of conclusions. The results of the study show that Turkey's integration into the European Union is determined by both "hard" economic utility factors and "soft" factors such as a sense of identity, religion or attitudes towards immigrants. Although Turkey shows positive economic trends in the European context, "soft" factors still represent the primary barrier to integration. The great migration crizis that began in 2015, and continues today, has again put Turkey at the center of geopolitical interest, but also emphasized the interdependence of Turkey and the EU and the conceptualization of a new model of mutual relations.

This article analyzes the formation of the "Association for the Yugoslav Democratic Initiative" (UJDI), promoted by a group of intellectuals from the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Zagreb in early 1989. The aim of this association was the democratic transformation of Yugoslavia during a period of political and economic crises. The paper focuses on the debate about constitutional reform and the constitutional "model" proposed by UJDI. Through UJDI's experience, the author analyzes some of the aspects and implications of the political cultures at the end of the 1980s. Furthermore, the author contributes new perspectives on the Yugoslav political crisis and the attempts of UJDI to call for democratization as the country teetered on the brink of war. Adapted from the source document.

The author demonstrates the non-existence of a consistent theory of market and of the modern capitalist system. Only a conceptual analysis is possible which is more revealing of the methodologies of various theoretical trajectories and a comparative analysis of different viewpoints and theoretical contradictions in relation to historical reality. The fundamental theoretical accomplishment of Strpic's analysis is that it offers a fertile core of clarification of market society and capitalism. The search for modern political economy opens up three aspects of the crisis of capitalism and of its economic theory. The political strategy of laissez faire in the beginning of the 20th century brought about the Great Depression (1929-1933), and the theoretical and political turn to Keynesianism (1936). In the 1970s the great stagflation (1971-1980) cleared the path for the neo-liberal theoretical counterrevolution (1972). In the period of the Great Recession (2007-2012) the necessity is imposed on us of a new theoretical turn in the direction of anti-neo-liberalism. Market economy and its invisible hand cannot be simply suppressed into closed out theoretical systems; the economists overlooked precisely this simplification and abstraction from real relations. Strpic's theoretical project of the Modern Normal and matrix-capitalism makes it possible to read in a new way the incommensurability of theoretical paradigms, not as a unified theory but as a developmental project which is prerequisite for explaining the character of the present crisis and the dynamic development of the modern transformation of capitalism. Adapted from the source document.

In the first part of the paper the author deals with some general aspects of the very complex process of trade negotiations. He explains that trade negotiations, bilateral or multilateral, are the basis for establishment of the international trade regime. In order to understand multilateral trade negotiations one should be familiar with its basis, which is composed of rules & procedures. Also, it is necessary to take into consideration the fact that these rules & procedures have not emerged at once but have been introduced in the process of adjustment to the needs of negotiators. In the second part of the paper the author considers the procedures in multilateral trade negotiations within the GATT/WTO international trade system. References. Adapted from the source document.

This contribution to the discussion about Dag Strpic's book Karl Marx and the Political Economy of Modernity focuses on the author's assessment that the weakening of US economic hegemony is questionable, especially with regard to the future prospects of capitalism (and its development), and prefers to speak of a "redesign" thereof. Accordingly, this article analyses in detail three aspects of capitalism redesign: the causal, the contingent and the functional aspects. Regarding causality, the partial redistribution of leading roles in world economy is caused by the introduction of new methods, from industrial and media technology to financial speculations and new wars -- which make profit-making possible. Regarding contingency, the shift in the centre provides opportunity for a small number of countries, such as China, India and Brazil, which are endowed with capitalist "talent" (in the sense of combining the policy of resource mobilization with elements of positive evaluation of labour in the local culture), to climb the ladder of successful development. The functional aspects indicate the favourable effects of the shift in the centre not only for newcomers to the club of the most developed, but also to the USA. The financialization of (primarily American) economy, along with giving over leadership to other industrial powers in many branches of industrial production, and in the rate of economic growth -- i.e. with a "new division of labour" in the centre -- gives to the US some sort of "aristocratic" status in the world of capitalism. Such a status is not incompatible with the cyclic process of capitalism development. Instead of a dialectical leap toward socialism, it rather aspires to a partial restoration of feudalism, as a global order of strong states in the centre and weak or apparent states on the margins. This, however, is not the worst possible ending of modern history. If a much more pronounced decline of US economic power in favour of the newcomers were to occur, this would probably strengthen the brutality of capitalism rather than weaken it. Provided that, in the EU, the trend of further decomposition of the welfare state is stopped, and the indispensable balance between the requirements of economic growth and of social solidarity and general well-being is restored, only a genuine and comprehensive "Europeanization" of the capitalist system could make possible the emergence of a global capitalism with a human face, and probably also of a world state which would provide for a balanced development of all parts of the world. Adapted from the source document.

The European Union and the United States of America perceive differently China's political & economic burgeoning. For the EU China's economic growth is a welcome development as it implies boosting the "strategic partnership," while the US thinks of it not only in the term of rivalry but also as a threat because of China's growing political & military power. Unlike the US, which focuses on the security aspect of foreign policy, the European security policy is still nascent & the Union usually does not perceive the states outside its borders as dangerous. The author argues that the complexity of the EU policies towards China means that there is yet no EU polity so the interests of various member-countries clash with the interests of the Union on the whole. The author concludes that the US will remain apprehensive regarding the potentials of China as the second superpower that might jeopardize US hegemony, while for the EU the latent political-security threat is much less important than the economic benefits. References. Adapted from the source document.