Suchergebnisse

The contributions in this issue of the journal are outlined. They are devoted to the topics of: (1) European security & defense policy & the different approaches to it by France & the UK, (2) EU citizens' support for a common foreign & security policy by this international body, (3) economic development problems in China's Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, (4) the Kurdish question in Turkey as this country applies for EU membership, & (5) the restitution of private property disputes in post-war Kosovo. Contributions to the next, 65th volume of the journal, as it will celebrate its 70th year of publication in 2007, are solicited. Z. Dubiel

It is commonly argued in the literature on regional innovation that regions must continuously develop new economic activities to compensate for economic decline. If a region manages to diversify from an existing path, it can sustain long-term economic development. One of the measures taken to increase these types of opportunities and to avoid lock-in is to stimulate a closer relationship and collaboration between universities and industry partners. However, we know little about the formation and investigation of successful university-industry relationships in regions outside metropolitan areas. This paper seeks to fill this research gap by investigating how different dimensions of cognitive, organizational, social and geographical proximity facilitate or hinder innovation processes in collaborations between industry and universities in peripheral regions. We find that social proximity, combined with high organizational proximity, overcomes the barriers presented by low geographical proximity. Social proximity compensates for thin regional structures with few high-tech firms, a lack of knowledge producers and a weak support system. An important policy implication is that stimulating collaboration within areas of expertise possessed by university and industry partners create potential for innovation.

In 2014, Norway celebrates the bicentenary of the Norwegian Constitution. The Constitution has been the backbone of a society that has created political stability, economic development and personal freedom for generations of Norwegians. The Norwegian Constitution was inspired by the democratic forces of its time, but most especially by the American Constitution. Today, they represent the world's two oldest, living constitutions. The book explains how the Norwegian Constitution was created, how it has functioned, and the democratic challenges it faces. The book also examines how the American Constiution has influenced the Norwegian Constiution. The book is directed toward a wide range of readers, especially students in all levels. Prominent Norwegian writers and scholars have explored these themes in this unique presentation of the Norwegian and American Constitution. President of the Norwegian Parliament, Olemic Thommessen, and American Vice President i USA, Walter Mondale, have written the preface. The book is a de lux book of art. A number of Norwegian contemporary artists are inspired by the constitution. They have been especially concerned about subjects related to the role of the individual in society, democracy, freedom of speech and preservation of natural resources. They also have focused on what it means to have a national identity. The artistic presentations cover a wide register and the illustrations are carried out in different technics. Exhibitions will be arranged in both Norway and the US where the pieces of art in the book will be presented

Jinping is assumed to be China's strongest leader since Deng Xiaoping - even since Mao, some argue. It might therefore be expected that Xi Jinping, at the top of a one-party state, has the power and ability to reform China. This article analyses how structural constraints limit Xi Jinping's power and freedom of action using his ability to implement a new course for the country's economic policy as case. To avoid being caught in the middle-income trap, China must adjust its investment and export-driven model to a more innovation, consumer and welfare-based development model. We use the school of historical institutionalism as framework, and examine how (i) path dependency, (ii) informal structures, norms and values, (iii) institutional autonomy, and (iv) institutional capacity in different ways limit and constrain the power and ability of Xi Jinping to implement a successful restructuring of the country's economic model. Adapted from the source document.

In this article we highlight the role of Kaliningrad in Russia, the relationship between Lithuania, Kaliningrad, & Russia in the EU & NATO enlargement processes, & finally, Russian policy towards the EU & NATO enlargement to the Baltic. The article concludes that Kaliningrad today, more than in the previous decade, can be seen as an inclusive region under federal control in the economic area. Militarily, Russia has yet to formulate a clear policy for Kaliningrad. Future Russian policy in general & the policy on Kaliningrad in particular will for the most part depend on the development of the EU (on military cooperation & on enlargement) & on the dialogue between Russia & NATO (on enlargement, on combating terrorism & other issues). Until today the relationship between Lithuania & Russia has mainly been influenced by their common Soviet history, but will in the future to a larger extent be influenced by Lithuania's increasing cooperation with the EU & NATO. 26 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article explores the development in Brazil after Luis Inazio da Silva, Lula, gained power a year ago. This vast & resourceful country, with its 182 million inhabitants, has experienced an immense growth over the last century. The welfare gap is however equally large. The richest percent of the population has an income equal to that of the poorest half. Brazil now puts her faith in President Lula, who vows to redistribute the country's wealth through a national compromise & a new corporate community contract: He wants support from all sectors & classes. Lula's "new rhythm" the bossa nova -- represents a Latin American third way, reflecting considerable knowledge of the post-war "Nordic model.". 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article considers the rising importance regional power development in a world where the stability of political alliances is increasingly brought into question. Most world leaders agree that these emerging economies will come to play an ever-more powerful role in the shaping of tomorrow's global policies, even if they do not themselves occupy the leading socio-political slots. Several possible policy configurations for China, India, Brazil, & South Africa are considered here, focusing on the degree to which these countries will both collectively & independently choose to balance their engagement between their local sphere of influence & their strategic global allies, namely the US & EU. It is suggested that the direction China elects to take in its policy over the coming years will have a decisive role for the other developing regions as a whole, because its economic power will largely temper the attitudes of the dominant world powers towards these regional powers. Tables, References. C. Brunski

This article provides an outline of the history of the American Empire's rise and transformations. The analysis examines the political situation in America around 1800 when the country was established as a republic at a time when international imperialism was prevalent with still powerful British, French, and Spanish empires. The article argues that the territorial expansion within the North American continent was conducted within the realms of imperial ideology, although, unlike other empires, once included in the empire each state became an equal participant in the central authority. The article poses a new type of empire that have emerged in America following the second world war; an American Empire based on international alliances for the purpose of international and national security based on voluntary participation, although subject to economic support or sanction. The article suggests that the war on terrorism has brought power politics and alliances that mirror classic imperial ideals, with an increase in military presence to enforce imperial alliances. The author concludes that based on the problems experienced with imperialistic use of power in Afghanistan and Iraq it is unlikely that the U.S. is establishing a new classical empire. This article is one in a series of articles on the topic of empires. References. E. Sundby

This comparative article reveals how the general focus of Canadian and Russian threat perceptions in the Arctic have shifted from a Cold War fixation on hard defence to accommodate soft security issues over the last three decades. Both countries now pay greater attention to threats and challenges stemming from climate change, security, and safety risks associated with resource development and increasingly accessible sea routes. Although concern about military conflict arising from Arctic disputes continues to frame some media discussions in both countries, most strategic analysts and academics have moved away from this line of argument. Instead, military functions now include assertion of Canadian and Russian sovereignty over their respective internal waters, as well as protection of resources in their exclusive economic zones and on and in extended continental shelves; protection of economic interests in the North, including mineral and bio-resources; prevention of potential terrorist attacks against critical industrial and state infrastructure; and dual-use functions, such as search and rescue operations, surveillance of air and maritime spaces, support to safe navigation, and mitigation of natural and human-made catastrophes.
The authors argue that analysts should parse two forms of military modernization in the Arctic: one of capability development related to the global strategic balance, where the Arctic serves as a bastion or a thoroughfare; and a second intended to address emerging non-traditional security challenges. They contend that these modernization programs do not inherently upset the Arctic military balance and need not provoke a regional arms race.