Suchergebnisse

The paper examines the conflict between indigenous people living in Numto Nature Park in the Khanty-Mansy region of Russia and the oil company Surgutneftegaz, which is trying to expand to new areas of the Park for industrial development. We analyse this conflict by looking at different perceptions concerning the threats and benefits underpinning the conflicting parties' arguments. We show that the oil company, whose approach is based on the principles of benefit sharing, seeks to provide economic benefits as well as infrastructure to ensure development in the indigenous community. In contrast, the indigenous people in Numto prioritise environmental safety and the possibility of maintaining their traditional ways of life, which means eliminating the negative impacts of oil development on fisheries, reindeer herding and the general state of the environment. The study indicates that focusing on indigenous peoples' and oil companies' differences concerning perceptions of threats and benefits provides a better understanding of desirable benefit-sharing arrangements between oil companies and indigenous peoples in areas that have so far only been marginally affected by industrialisation and modernisation. This insight suggests that the introduction of community-centred perspectives emphasising cultural and environmental security in benefit-sharing policies in oil companies could improve practices. The analysis draws on interviews with members of the indigenous Nenets and Khanty peoples of Numto Park as well as representatives of Surgutneftegaz, NGOs, the regional administration and the Numto Park administration

This article surveys the broad array of arguments addressing the lack of progress made in third-world development over the course of the last fifty years. During this period of time, financial aid given by the world's industrial nations to developing countries became a practice that was seen as both economically & morally demanded. However, in the years that have since elapsed, there has been an increasing volume of critical attention paid to the imbalance between the amount of funding given & the amount of development accomplished. It is at this juncture that the lack of necessary internal conditions in developing counties becomes apparent. Analysis has not only demonstrated that a large portion of funding made to third-world countries becomes subject to abuse by controlling powers, but has also suggested that foreign aid might actually contribute to the imbalance of power in the said recipient countries. Some of the many perspectives that comprise the growing argument against the notion of foreign aid as a viable policy are presented here to illustrate the increasingly clear reality of failed development in the third world. 4 Tables, 20 References. C. Brunski

Draws on the New Regionalism Approach (NRA) to analyze the political economy of the new regionalism in southern Africa in the post-Cold War & postapartheid era. The NRA challenges much of conventional wisdom in the field, which is seen as narrowly focused on intergovernmental regional organizations & intraregional trade. The analysis identifies four main types of regionalism in southern Africa, which to a large extent occur within the larger context of economic globalization, neoliberalism, & the retreat of the state: (1) open regionalism, (2) microregionalism, (3) private firms led regionalism, & (4) informal regionalism from below. Both open regionalism & microregionalism (as built around the concept of spatial development initiatives) seek to reinforce economic globalization & market integration, & attract foreign direct investment to bankable private investment projects. Together with the firms driven regionalism, which is constructed by & around large South African business enterprises, these three types of regionalism sustain a particular pattern of elite driven regionalism centered on economic growth, trade, & capital intensive projects in the formal economy, with little focus on development & poverty reduction. To a large extent, the myriad of activities included in informal regionalism from below emerges as a consequence of the negative & exclusionary effects of neoliberalism & the three types of elite driven regionalism. 47 References. Adapted from the source document.

All governments regardless of their form rely ultimately on the legitimacy given by the people. After the rapid economic growth of 21st century China, millions of people have been lifted out of poverty that are eventually going to demand other things from their government as well, such as a better environment and reduced corruption. Legitimacy in China comes from slightly different sources than in the West. Among them are a quasi-religious heavenly mandate and the traditional view of the party as a provider of welfare and safety. However the economic success has not come without a cost. Protests take place throughout the country as the gap between rich and poor has widened, the welfare state has been reduced and farmers lack a basic right to their land. L. Pitkaniemi

Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, & Hungary have in little more than ten years established market-based economies. The countries chose, in spite of geographical proximity & historical links, different reform strategies, especially with respect to inflation stabilization & privatization. The different strategies can to a large extent be explained by different starting points. In preparation for EU membership, the economic policies in the four countries have gradually converged. The economic results have been mixed. Many have gained from greater choice & higher living standards. Still, economic growth is only slightly above the performance of the EU countries, unemployment is high, & government budgets exhibit large deficits. Membership of the EU could bring about more trade & investment & help narrow the income gap towards Western Europe. Adapted from the source document.

In western China's Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, development is characterized by a difficult political & social situation. Huge state investments, as well as the development of large oil & cotton industries, have led to economic growth & a standard of living that ranks among the highest of China's western provinces & regions. Despite this, groups among the region's inhabitants show great discontent with the Chinese administration. Separatism, terrorism, human rights violation & ruthless exploitation of the region's resources are equally important parts of Xinjiang's recent history as economic development & the improved standard of living. In the midst of this situation Xinjiang's Bingtuan, a group of state-run, formerly military, farming units, plays an important role as a regional development agent & as a Chinese controlling body. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

The contributions in this issue of the journal are outlined. They are devoted to the topics of: (1) European security & defense policy & the different approaches to it by France & the UK, (2) EU citizens' support for a common foreign & security policy by this international body, (3) economic development problems in China's Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, (4) the Kurdish question in Turkey as this country applies for EU membership, & (5) the restitution of private property disputes in post-war Kosovo. Contributions to the next, 65th volume of the journal, as it will celebrate its 70th year of publication in 2007, are solicited. Z. Dubiel

It is commonly argued in the literature on regional innovation that regions must continuously develop new economic activities to compensate for economic decline. If a region manages to diversify from an existing path, it can sustain long-term economic development. One of the measures taken to increase these types of opportunities and to avoid lock-in is to stimulate a closer relationship and collaboration between universities and industry partners. However, we know little about the formation and investigation of successful university-industry relationships in regions outside metropolitan areas. This paper seeks to fill this research gap by investigating how different dimensions of cognitive, organizational, social and geographical proximity facilitate or hinder innovation processes in collaborations between industry and universities in peripheral regions. We find that social proximity, combined with high organizational proximity, overcomes the barriers presented by low geographical proximity. Social proximity compensates for thin regional structures with few high-tech firms, a lack of knowledge producers and a weak support system. An important policy implication is that stimulating collaboration within areas of expertise possessed by university and industry partners create potential for innovation.