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ICTs have successfully changed the social, economic and political spaces globally. Through globalisation, ICTs have reduced the world to a global clan and assumed a cyclopean force driving human civilisation by the scruff. The impact of ICTs has virtually diffused through all sectors, forcing technological changes and creating a culture of dependence on technology. In Nigeria, the presence of ICTs has become ubiquitous and its knowledge has deepened. However, the use of ICTs for human development purposes has remained grossly limited. ICTs have only been co-opted for the creation of web portals, email addresses, B2B, B2C interactions and for inconsequential undertakings. The use of ICTs for educational and manpower development, knowledge transmission, health education, research and development, medical treatment and others for human development purposes is yet embryonic. This may not be unconnected with the byzantine socio-economic crises like spotty power supply, moribund infrastructure, witless political leadership, lack of priority in investments by the state, endemic official corruption and a host of challenges facing the Nigerian state. To assume a pole position in the present knowledge economy, Nigeria needs to find that nexus between ICTs and its human development needs. This study is cast against the backcloth of the Diffusion of Innovations and Human Development Theories which support the diffusion of ICT-enabled human development programmes in Nigeria to realise true development. This paper argues that the political leadership in Nigeria will benefit more at a fragment of the cost when it adopts ICTs in catalysing its human development programmes. In addition, resolving some of the embedded social and ethical problems facing the country will free resources for the government to invest massively in ICTs that could help it leap-frog its human development challenges and improve the lives of its citizens.

This report is part of a six-city research series, Europe's White Working Class Communities, which examines the realities of people from majority populations in Aarhus, Amsterdam, Berlin, Lyon, Manchester, and Stockholm.White Working Class Communities in Amsterdam explores the experiences and concerns of segments of the majority population in the borough of Amsterdam-North, in the neighborhoods of Tuindorp Buiksloot and Floradorp. Both began as housing projects for working class people in the early 20th century. The developments, known as garden cities (Tuindorpen), were based on the idea that decent housing with plenty of light, fresh air, and green surroundings would improve the social and individual well-being of the inhabitants. Today, Amsterdam-North remains a traditional working class, and relatively isolated, area of Amsterdam where residents have lower than average incomes and levels of education. This report focuses on seven areas of local policy—employment, education, health, housing, political participation, policing, and the media—as well as broader themes of belonging and identity. It is one of a series providing ground-breaking research on the experiences of a section of the population whose lives are often caricatured and whose voices are rarely heard in public debates on integration, social cohesion, and social inclusion. Through a comparative lens, the project seeks to highlight parallels and differences in policies, practices and experiences across the European cities.

A chapter report issued by the General Accounting Office with an abstract that begins "The federal government has been a key participant in the efforts to provide aid to the New York City area to help it respond to and recover from the September 11 terrorist attacks. The President pledged, and the Congress subsequently authorized, about $20 billion in federal aid. This federal aid was provided primarily through four sources: the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), the Department of Transportation (DOT), and the Liberty Zone tax benefits--a set of tax benefits targeted to lower Manhattan. These sources provided 96 percent, or $19.63 billion, of the committed federal aid to the New York City area. It has been over 2 years since the attacks occurred, and many efforts have been undertaken to aid the New York City area to cope with the disaster and its many impacts. GAO was asked to describe how much and what type of federal assistance was provided to the New York City area through these four sources and how the federal government's response to this disaster differed from previous disasters. We provided a draft of this report to FEMA, DOT, HUD, and Internal Revenue Service (IRS) for their review and comment, and all four agencies generally agreed with the information presented."

The situation is common in many developing countries. A developing economy, still coming out painfully from the productive limitations of mass agriculture; long years of colonialism or fiscal siphoning off from regional peripheries to cores. Capital investment typically flows away from these territories towards the heartland of North America and Western Europe. Employment is precarious and risk capital hard to come by. The provision of services directly related to one's quality of life - such as energy, telecommunications, water, housing, education, health and social security - fall also within the ambit of the state, often out of simple default. All this in the context of an expanding population, with many consumer tastes and habits influenced by the Western world. In these situations, it is inevitable to find the state playing a key role in the development process. The responsibility to provide employment and to create productive investment in the absence of local or foreign capital predisposes the state towards assuming a major role in the economy; one which is broader and wider than that of the stewardship and monitoring effected by states in more developed economies. The outcome is usually a bloated public sector with substantial levels of underemployment, and a sprawling parastatal sector with under-productive or inefficient corporations and utilities whose running expenses and losses are justified on the basis of political and social arguments: jobs, strategic industries, basic needs provision. ; peer-reviewed

This article discusses how inclusive development is translated into policy and regional development planning. Perspectives used are that of the regional government apparatus in-charge of development planning. As a strategic actor in decision making, those in charge of development planning hold an important role in determining what counts as inclusive development, who the targets are, and how such inclusivity could be realized through development programs. The research was conducted in Bandung Regency, one of the regions that experience rapid economic growth, as well as one that is facing the challenges of poverty and the decline of environmental support capacity. The method that was used in this research is the quantitative method to discover the perceptions of government apparatus, which afterwards are confirmed through textual analysis of regional development planning documents. From this initial research, development planning process is suspected to not have optimal public participation, as well as to not have involved marginalized groups, so that policies and programs are less able to accommodate several strategic regional issues. Therefore, there is a need to create a comprehensive effort towards achieving an inclusive development agenda as the primary goal in Bandung Regency development.

This book articulates a unified theory of capitalism as an attempt to provide a comprehensive scientific theory of this social system. A unified theory of capitalism is not the combination of the predominant economic theories - neoclassical, classical, and Keynesian - so as to make them compatible. It is not a composite economic theory. It is a new economic theory. Predictions of the theory's models were consistent with eight basic empirical regularities of capitalism dealing with economic growth, income inequality, employment level, and environment degradation. Therefore, the unified theory can be accepted as a good approximation of the real capitalist world. But the models were constructed at a high level of abstraction. Also problematic was the need to work out more fully the public policy implications of the theory. It is, therefore, no wonder that essays on the unified theory to answer these questions are a natural outcome of a new scientific endeavor attempting to reach a unity of knowledge in economics.

In this paper it is primarily sought to ascertain if there is
any economic rent involved in the application of canal irrigation in
Pakistan. In principle if the competitive price for the public
irrigation water supply in the farm sector exceeds the legal water rates
charged, the surface supplies are considered to yield economic rent to
the beneficiaries [20]. The competitive price for canal deliveries
cannot be determined directly because they are not sold in the market
but are allocated through an elaborate system of water distribution.
However, it may indirectly be derived from the price of tubewell water
which constitutes another significant domestic source of" irrigation. If
the ability of the benefi¬ciaries to pay for cost of irrigation supply
has a precedence, which is more often the case, over the recoupement of
its expenses in entirety, the incremental value of additional water to
farm output should serve as a guide in determining the price of canal
water.

In a recent essay in CSSH (16:1) Oriol Pi-Sunyer has joined in debate with our article 'Modernization and Development…' (CSSH 14:3). The thrust of his critique is that our model of social change in the Western Mediterranean leads us inexorably to lump Sicily and Catalonia together with respect to general social and economic developments since World War II. He argues in terms of modernization theory that Catalans long ago developed industry and have always shown a propensity to organize in corporate groups whenever the central government gives them the opportunity to do so. In short, our model is lacking in 'time depth and political sensitivity' (pp. 128–9) since it puts the Catalans in the same class as the Sicilians. We wish here to demonstrate that (1) in our article we discussed the differences between Sicily and Catalonia in much the same way that Pi-Sunyer did in his critique; (2) that, in fact, Sicily and Catalonia have undergone similar processes of social change since World War II, in ways that threaten the historical continuity of these societies, both formed over centuries; and (3) that Pi-Sunyer's misreading of our materials is due to his unfortunate confusion of modernization with development, which is precisely what we tried to get away from in our essay.

This article identifies and explains the ways in which firms involved in the debate about the role of biotechnology in Indian agriculture have sought to advance their interests. It argues that the public positions of larger biotech and agro-chemical companies, seed enterprises, and newer start-up firms and the associations to which they belong relate to the differences in their underlying corporate strategies. The extent to which these firms are involved in primary research, export their products, or require protection for their products helps to determine their political affiliations to the leading industry bodies that are active on biotechnology issues. In turn, each of these associations has been shown to have distinct patterns of interaction with particular government agencies involved in the regulation of biotechnology products, as well as differing degrees of contact with global industry coalitions. Through a combination of material influences, in most cases high levels of institutional access, and in a context in which claims about the benefits of biotechnology are echoed and repeated in influential media, industry has played an important role in the evolving regulatory regime. These forms of leverage apply to some firms more than others and smaller actors in the vast seed sector in India are barely involved directly in the current debate about India's "gene revolution." Currently, the policy agenda in Delhi appears to be far more influenced by a fairly close-knit policy network of biotech entrepreneurs from larger multinationals and successful start-up firms with good national and global connections.

China is the least disadvantaged major economy in the current era of global economic uncertainty. Thus it is becoming the focus of attention of its neighbours and is achieving a prominence in the world political economy unparalleled in its modern history. To a great extent, China's success is the result of 'good neighbour diplomacy' such as 'win-win' and the policies of reform and openness of the past thirty years. However, despite continuity in policy, China's 'peaceful leap forward' since 2008 has changed the context of its external relationships. The increasing asymmetries between China and its neighbours, as well as decreasing asymmetry with the United States, require an adjustment of win-win values beyond mutual benefit to credible reassurance. As China's neighbours become more dependent, they also become more anxious concerning their interests. Meanwhile, China's relative gain on the US requires a different kind of confidence-building diplomacy. (International Affairs (Oxford) / SWP)

This reassessment of Kelly's analysis of the relationship of activist leadership to collective action within the overall jigsaw of mobilisation theory draws on social movement literature, studies by industrial relations scholars utilising aspects of Kelly's approach – including this author's own work – and related research on union leadership within collective mobilisation. In the process, it identifies and celebrates how Kelly's work, whilst contributing a distinct and substantive actor-related approach, recognised that leadership is one ingredient amongst other factors, including important structural opportunities and constraints. It considers three potential ambiguities/tensions within Kelly's conceptualisation of leadership related to the social construction of workers' interests, spontaneity of workers' action and the 'leader/follower' interplay. The review also identifies two important limitations, related to the union member/bureaucracy dynamic and the role of left-wing political leadership, and concludes by signalling different forms of leadership relationships on which further refinement and development would be fruitful.

O artigo enfoca, pela óptica do direito econômico, as influências das políticas econômicas privadas (basicamente do capital transnacional) e dos entes internacionais sobre as políticas econômicas públicas, especialmente as realizadas pelos Estados em desenvolvimento. Enfatiza a mutação do neoliberalismo de regulamentação para o de regulação como exigência dos poderes econômicos privados, identificando entre os seus resultados o enfraquecimento do Estado e a descrença na democracia. E, ainda, defende a existência de espaços para a execução de ações econômicas endógenas por parte dos Estados Nacionais, a fim de viabilizar a eficácia de suas Constituições econômicas e suprir as carências de seus povos. ; This paper deal with, by Economical Law view, the effects of private economic policy, essentially of foreign capital, and the international organizations above the public economic policy, mainly that politics performed by the development nations. Lay emphasis on the mutation of the regulatory New Liberalism to the regulation as demand of private economic powers, recongnized enter their results: The decline of the State and the unbelief of democracy. Defends existence of spaces for the execution of endogenous economic actions by part of National States, for the purpose of execute effectiveness of their economical constitution and supply the shortage of their people.

The subject of the study – anti–corruption policy of the EU and Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to study the key problems of the EU policy on the prevention of corruption manifestations for the implementation of the relevant analytical results in the development of recommendations for adjusting the anti–corruption policy of Ukraine. Research methodology – methods of analysis and synthesis (in the systematizing the legal and organizational foundations of the EU anti–corruption policy); method of comparison (in assessing the level of corruption in European countries and Ukraine); method of analogy (when making recommendations for adjusting the anti–corruption policy of Ukraine). Results of the work – The article examines the organizational and legal mechanism for implementing the anti–corruption policy of the European Union. The definition of corruption adopted in the EU is given. Examples of implementation of successful practices in the field of prevention and fight against corruption in a number of European countries are given. It is noted that corruption is one of the most destructive social phenomena, which hinders the sustainable development of any state, the efficiency of public administration and the functioning of social institutions. At the same time, corruption has the greatest negative impact on socio–economic development in developing countries, including Ukraine. It is noted that the experience of countries that have succeeded in combating corruption is useful for Ukraine in terms of: political will, the formation of citizens' conscious negative attitude to corruption, non–declarative nature of the rule of law, as well as constant monitoring and control of non–governmental public organizations. Application of results: international economics, public administration Conclusions. The implementation of the EU anti–corruption policy is complicated by the multi–level nature of the adoption of countermeasures, the lack of clarity in the interpretation of the definition of corruption, and the uneven ...