The work consists of two main parts: description of Scandinavian literatures and bibliographic data. It analyses translations of fiction from Scandinavian languages (Icelandic, Danish, Norwegian and Swedish) into Lithuanian language. Each country's literature is described separately. The work briefly discusses histories of literatures, literatures for adults and children and presents main translators. Greater attention is paid to more famous authors. Moreover, the work provides bibliographic data on fiction translated from Scandinavian languages. Most of the books published in Lithuanian language are included in the lists. It was noted that the close relation among Scandinavian literatures has no impact on their translations into Lithuanian. Translators who translate from several Scandinavian languages become the connective link. Translations from Scandinavian languages into Lithuanian are closely related to political, economic, ideological factors; however the translator plays a crucial role alongside these factors. Only due to the translators the Lithuanian book space is augmented with especially valuable texts. In its essence, this work is encyclopaedic; therefore it provides various information that could expand reader's knowledge in Scandinavian authors and their works, though it does not repeat universally known or available information on the authors' biographies and published works.
The work consists of two main parts: description of Scandinavian literatures and bibliographic data. It analyses translations of fiction from Scandinavian languages (Icelandic, Danish, Norwegian and Swedish) into Lithuanian language. Each country's literature is described separately. The work briefly discusses histories of literatures, literatures for adults and children and presents main translators. Greater attention is paid to more famous authors. Moreover, the work provides bibliographic data on fiction translated from Scandinavian languages. Most of the books published in Lithuanian language are included in the lists. It was noted that the close relation among Scandinavian literatures has no impact on their translations into Lithuanian. Translators who translate from several Scandinavian languages become the connective link. Translations from Scandinavian languages into Lithuanian are closely related to political, economic, ideological factors; however the translator plays a crucial role alongside these factors. Only due to the translators the Lithuanian book space is augmented with especially valuable texts. In its essence, this work is encyclopaedic; therefore it provides various information that could expand reader's knowledge in Scandinavian authors and their works, though it does not repeat universally known or available information on the authors' biographies and published works.
The paper suggests a conceptual framework for analyzing the relationship between democracy and economic growth based on the international dimension. In essence, democracy positively effects economic growth in a given country when international actors seek to promote democracy in that country by punishing violations of democratic norms with economic sanctions. The paper specifies conditions under which violation of democratic norms gets punished with economic sanctions. First, foreign actors must have an interest in defending democracy in a given country. Second, the costs of defending democracy must not outweigh its benefits. Finally, economic sanctions must be employed as a tool for the defense of democracy. Furthermore, factors that affect the negative impact of economic sanctions on economic growth in the 'target' country are specified in the paper. They are as follows: economic openness of the 'target' country, extent of economic interdependence with sanctioning countries, as well as the structure of the economy and opportunities to diversify economic relations with other foreign actors. Besides, the impact of sanctions on growth depends on the duration of their application. Further, the paper illustrates the logic of the conceptual framework with the empirical example of Latin America. During the Cold War, democracies in the region did not face any economic advantages with regard to international factors. Latin America's Cold War history was highly influenced by the strategic struggle between the US and the Soviet Union. For the US, the main purpose in the region was to carry out the policy of containment of communism. This meant that certain undemocratic but friendly regimes were often supported, while hostile but democratic ones were undermined. The situation changed cardinally after the Cold War ended. When the strategic threat of communism disappeared, the US changed its policy focus from containment of communism to the promotion and defense of democracies. Moreover, Latin America experienced intensive processes of democratization and economic liberalization. This created conditions for the collective system of defense of democracy in the region. Certain factors contributed to the potential impact of economic sanctions in the region in the 1990s. Economic liberalization and higher economic openness made countries more vulnerable to potential sanctions. Furthermore, Latin American countries had high levels of economic interdependence with the US, the EU and other regional democracies, all of which were ready to defend democratic systems. Finally, the disintegration of the Soviet Union and disappearance of non-democracies in the region highly reduced opportunities for economic diversification in the case of economic sanctions. In Latin America in the 1990s, every violation of procedural democratic norms was met with economic sanctions which had negative effect on economic growth in the violating country. These cases were Haiti (1991), Peru (1992) and Guatemala (1993). In the case of Paraguay (1996), the threat of economic sanctions was one of the factors that helped to preserve democratic system in the country. This means that the analysis of the relationship between political regime type and economic growth in Latin America in the 1990s is incomplete and potentially incorrect, if international factors are not taken into account. Finally, the paper gives suggestions for further research, in particular hinting to the possible structural global shift in the democracy-growth relationship in post-Cold War environment. International factors provide a possible explanation why empirically democracies tend to grow faster than autocracies after the end of the Cold War
The paper suggests a conceptual framework for analyzing the relationship between democracy and economic growth based on the international dimension. In essence, democracy positively effects economic growth in a given country when international actors seek to promote democracy in that country by punishing violations of democratic norms with economic sanctions. The paper specifies conditions under which violation of democratic norms gets punished with economic sanctions. First, foreign actors must have an interest in defending democracy in a given country. Second, the costs of defending democracy must not outweigh its benefits. Finally, economic sanctions must be employed as a tool for the defense of democracy. Furthermore, factors that affect the negative impact of economic sanctions on economic growth in the 'target' country are specified in the paper. They are as follows: economic openness of the 'target' country, extent of economic interdependence with sanctioning countries, as well as the structure of the economy and opportunities to diversify economic relations with other foreign actors. Besides, the impact of sanctions on growth depends on the duration of their application. Further, the paper illustrates the logic of the conceptual framework with the empirical example of Latin America. During the Cold War, democracies in the region did not face any economic advantages with regard to international factors. Latin America's Cold War history was highly influenced by the strategic struggle between the US and the Soviet Union. For the US, the main purpose in the region was to carry out the policy of containment of communism. This meant that certain undemocratic but friendly regimes were often supported, while hostile but democratic ones were undermined. The situation changed cardinally after the Cold War ended. When the strategic threat of communism disappeared, the US changed its policy focus from containment of communism to the promotion and defense of democracies. Moreover, Latin America experienced intensive processes of democratization and economic liberalization. This created conditions for the collective system of defense of democracy in the region. Certain factors contributed to the potential impact of economic sanctions in the region in the 1990s. Economic liberalization and higher economic openness made countries more vulnerable to potential sanctions. Furthermore, Latin American countries had high levels of economic interdependence with the US, the EU and other regional democracies, all of which were ready to defend democratic systems. Finally, the disintegration of the Soviet Union and disappearance of non-democracies in the region highly reduced opportunities for economic diversification in the case of economic sanctions. In Latin America in the 1990s, every violation of procedural democratic norms was met with economic sanctions which had negative effect on economic growth in the violating country. These cases were Haiti (1991), Peru (1992) and Guatemala (1993). In the case of Paraguay (1996), the threat of economic sanctions was one of the factors that helped to preserve democratic system in the country. This means that the analysis of the relationship between political regime type and economic growth in Latin America in the 1990s is incomplete and potentially incorrect, if international factors are not taken into account. Finally, the paper gives suggestions for further research, in particular hinting to the possible structural global shift in the democracy-growth relationship in post-Cold War environment. International factors provide a possible explanation why empirically democracies tend to grow faster than autocracies after the end of the Cold War
The aim of this study was to describe the historical development of pharmaceutical organisations, their tasks and ability to fulfill them. In the XIXth century a rapid development of the science of pharmacy influenced a need for scientific collaboration. Thus, in 1819 Department of Pharmacy of Vilnius Medical Society was founded by Vilnius chemists. The main directions of the activity of the members of this department were the following: scientific investigations, solution of practical tasks, spreading of pharmaceutical information, popularization of the knowledge of pharmaceutical science. However, a progressive dynamic development of pharmacy was hindered by unfavorable political and economic factors. In 1917, Lithuanians working in Russia united in a "Society of Lithuanian Pharmacists". The operation of the society was concerned with nationality, which was the main and the only direction of activity. There were four pharmaceutical organizations acting in the Independent Republic of Lithuania (1918- 1940). In 1940, after Lithuania's annexation to the USSR, all pharmaceutical professional associations were eliminated. In 1948, Lithuanian Scientific Society of Pharmacists was founded. Despite its professional tasks it had also to proclaim ideological aims. Conclusion. Professional activity was influenced by unfavorable political conditions in the country. Independence of social professional associations was limited by czarist Russia, as well as by Soviet authorities. Department of Pharmacy of Vilnius Medical Society had a great influence upon the progress of pharmacy of that time. Associations acting in the Independent Republic of Lithuania were able to defend their business interests, participate in international activity, deal with the affairs of science, the heritage of the pharmacy, and representation of their profession.
The aim of this study was to describe the historical development of pharmaceutical organisations, their tasks and ability to fulfill them. In the XIXth century a rapid development of the science of pharmacy influenced a need for scientific collaboration. Thus, in 1819 Department of Pharmacy of Vilnius Medical Society was founded by Vilnius chemists. The main directions of the activity of the members of this department were the following: scientific investigations, solution of practical tasks, spreading of pharmaceutical information, popularization of the knowledge of pharmaceutical science. However, a progressive dynamic development of pharmacy was hindered by unfavorable political and economic factors. In 1917, Lithuanians working in Russia united in a "Society of Lithuanian Pharmacists". The operation of the society was concerned with nationality, which was the main and the only direction of activity. There were four pharmaceutical organizations acting in the Independent Republic of Lithuania (1918- 1940). In 1940, after Lithuania's annexation to the USSR, all pharmaceutical professional associations were eliminated. In 1948, Lithuanian Scientific Society of Pharmacists was founded. Despite its professional tasks it had also to proclaim ideological aims. Conclusion. Professional activity was influenced by unfavorable political conditions in the country. Independence of social professional associations was limited by czarist Russia, as well as by Soviet authorities. Department of Pharmacy of Vilnius Medical Society had a great influence upon the progress of pharmacy of that time. Associations acting in the Independent Republic of Lithuania were able to defend their business interests, participate in international activity, deal with the affairs of science, the heritage of the pharmacy, and representation of their profession.
The dynamics of international system, globalization process and changing concept of security brings transnational challenges and leads to a new look at nation state and the discussion of its security question. The growing importance of economic processes raises state economic security issue as a part of national security. Internal and external factors of this security sector and their links creates and shapes each state perception of its economic security, where near economic aspects, very important place is given for rate between nation state and individuals. The latter is emphasizes by comprehensive dynamics of economic processes and state's facing with these new transnational challenges, which are taking qualitative and quantitative features of operations. Transnational organized crime has these characteristics by controlling illegal markets and expanding political-criminal relationships, which goes further than economic security "limits", this also has influence for state role in international arena and effectiveness of its institutions. The connections between organized crime, state economic security and state political system allows to analyze the impact of criminal groups for state as independent actor of international system and as the analysis of security level. Developing and using transnational organized crime model in analysis for Chinese triads, the Mexican cartels and Russian mafia and their home states involves country history, cultural context and legacy of prior political regimes as crucial factors in political and economical relations between state and its organized crime groups. This is proven by analyzing measurements taken to fight against the influence of criminal groups and preventing their crossing one state borders. Taking actions inside the state and international arena proves influential organized crime role in state which is further reinforced by these groups of violence against state authorities. In this case, the state is not the only who has the monopoly of power; there is concurrency from the side of organized crime. In this way, it threatens the stability of the state which stressed by creating of certain "behaviour" between organized crime and state. The latter is partly justified and accepted by both state and society. In this case, organized crime as the challenge to state economic security is understood as multi-covering and multi-trend process which increases vulnerability of both this security of economic sector and uncovers others security sectors and security levels.
The dynamics of international system, globalization process and changing concept of security brings transnational challenges and leads to a new look at nation state and the discussion of its security question. The growing importance of economic processes raises state economic security issue as a part of national security. Internal and external factors of this security sector and their links creates and shapes each state perception of its economic security, where near economic aspects, very important place is given for rate between nation state and individuals. The latter is emphasizes by comprehensive dynamics of economic processes and state's facing with these new transnational challenges, which are taking qualitative and quantitative features of operations. Transnational organized crime has these characteristics by controlling illegal markets and expanding political-criminal relationships, which goes further than economic security "limits", this also has influence for state role in international arena and effectiveness of its institutions. The connections between organized crime, state economic security and state political system allows to analyze the impact of criminal groups for state as independent actor of international system and as the analysis of security level. Developing and using transnational organized crime model in analysis for Chinese triads, the Mexican cartels and Russian mafia and their home states involves country history, cultural context and legacy of prior political regimes as crucial factors in political and economical relations between state and its organized crime groups. This is proven by analyzing measurements taken to fight against the influence of criminal groups and preventing their crossing one state borders. Taking actions inside the state and international arena proves influential organized crime role in state which is further reinforced by these groups of violence against state authorities. In this case, the state is not the only who has the monopoly of power; there is concurrency from the side of organized crime. In this way, it threatens the stability of the state which stressed by creating of certain "behaviour" between organized crime and state. The latter is partly justified and accepted by both state and society. In this case, organized crime as the challenge to state economic security is understood as multi-covering and multi-trend process which increases vulnerability of both this security of economic sector and uncovers others security sectors and security levels.
The dynamics of international system, globalization process and changing concept of security brings transnational challenges and leads to a new look at nation state and the discussion of its security question. The growing importance of economic processes raises state economic security issue as a part of national security. Internal and external factors of this security sector and their links creates and shapes each state perception of its economic security, where near economic aspects, very important place is given for rate between nation state and individuals. The latter is emphasizes by comprehensive dynamics of economic processes and state's facing with these new transnational challenges, which are taking qualitative and quantitative features of operations. Transnational organized crime has these characteristics by controlling illegal markets and expanding political-criminal relationships, which goes further than economic security "limits", this also has influence for state role in international arena and effectiveness of its institutions. The connections between organized crime, state economic security and state political system allows to analyze the impact of criminal groups for state as independent actor of international system and as the analysis of security level. Developing and using transnational organized crime model in analysis for Chinese triads, the Mexican cartels and Russian mafia and their home states involves country history, cultural context and legacy of prior political regimes as crucial factors in political and economical relations between state and its organized crime groups. This is proven by analyzing measurements taken to fight against the influence of criminal groups and preventing their crossing one state borders. Taking actions inside the state and international arena proves influential organized crime role in state which is further reinforced by these groups of violence against state authorities. In this case, the state is not the only who has the monopoly of power; there is concurrency from the side of organized crime. In this way, it threatens the stability of the state which stressed by creating of certain "behaviour" between organized crime and state. The latter is partly justified and accepted by both state and society. In this case, organized crime as the challenge to state economic security is understood as multi-covering and multi-trend process which increases vulnerability of both this security of economic sector and uncovers others security sectors and security levels.
The article explores how solidarity and political emancipation progressed and impacted resistance against colonial imperialism movements in Bolivia. All throughout five hundred years of colonialism in South America local people sought to defend their communal way of life. Recent history of Bolivia, when Evo Morales, the leader of indigenous peoples, took the power is a result of long history of social struggle. Why is it important to analyze the history of social movements in Bolivia, what can it say about the development of democracy to democratic theory? Solidarity as one of the main elements of democracy was the only way for the indigenous Bolivians to achieve freedom and equality. While during the neoliberal political-economic reforms in Europe and the USA workers' solidarity has been marginalised, in Bolivia the resistance against neoliberal model played a vital role to build new forms of political solidarity. Thus the analysis of the history of how colonial and later system of liberal republicanism divided the strong indigenous communities and weakened their ability to resist them leading to political and economic alienation is important for theoretical reflections on a new forms of democracy. The history of indigenous in Bolivia shows that the main source of communal protection for these people was the communal ownership of land. The article demonstrates how first Spanish colonialists, then liberal republicans and later oligarchs together with transnational corporations pushed indigenous people from their lands thus threatening not just their livelihood but also their entire way of life. Since Inca Empire times indigenous people lived in very close communities, where they shared land and decision making. Communal assemblies were and remain today the most respected way of decision making. [.]
The article explores how solidarity and political emancipation progressed and impacted resistance against colonial imperialism movements in Bolivia. All throughout five hundred years of colonialism in South America local people sought to defend their communal way of life. Recent history of Bolivia, when Evo Morales, the leader of indigenous peoples, took the power is a result of long history of social struggle. Why is it important to analyze the history of social movements in Bolivia, what can it say about the development of democracy to democratic theory? Solidarity as one of the main elements of democracy was the only way for the indigenous Bolivians to achieve freedom and equality. While during the neoliberal political-economic reforms in Europe and the USA workers' solidarity has been marginalised, in Bolivia the resistance against neoliberal model played a vital role to build new forms of political solidarity. Thus the analysis of the history of how colonial and later system of liberal republicanism divided the strong indigenous communities and weakened their ability to resist them leading to political and economic alienation is important for theoretical reflections on a new forms of democracy. The history of indigenous in Bolivia shows that the main source of communal protection for these people was the communal ownership of land. The article demonstrates how first Spanish colonialists, then liberal republicans and later oligarchs together with transnational corporations pushed indigenous people from their lands thus threatening not just their livelihood but also their entire way of life. Since Inca Empire times indigenous people lived in very close communities, where they shared land and decision making. Communal assemblies were and remain today the most respected way of decision making. [.]
The article explores how solidarity and political emancipation progressed and impacted resistance against colonial imperialism movements in Bolivia. All throughout five hundred years of colonialism in South America local people sought to defend their communal way of life. Recent history of Bolivia, when Evo Morales, the leader of indigenous peoples, took the power is a result of long history of social struggle. Why is it important to analyze the history of social movements in Bolivia, what can it say about the development of democracy to democratic theory? Solidarity as one of the main elements of democracy was the only way for the indigenous Bolivians to achieve freedom and equality. While during the neoliberal political-economic reforms in Europe and the USA workers' solidarity has been marginalised, in Bolivia the resistance against neoliberal model played a vital role to build new forms of political solidarity. Thus the analysis of the history of how colonial and later system of liberal republicanism divided the strong indigenous communities and weakened their ability to resist them leading to political and economic alienation is important for theoretical reflections on a new forms of democracy. The history of indigenous in Bolivia shows that the main source of communal protection for these people was the communal ownership of land. The article demonstrates how first Spanish colonialists, then liberal republicans and later oligarchs together with transnational corporations pushed indigenous people from their lands thus threatening not just their livelihood but also their entire way of life. Since Inca Empire times indigenous people lived in very close communities, where they shared land and decision making. Communal assemblies were and remain today the most respected way of decision making. [.]
The article explores how solidarity and political emancipation progressed and impacted resistance against colonial imperialism movements in Bolivia. All throughout five hundred years of colonialism in South America local people sought to defend their communal way of life. Recent history of Bolivia, when Evo Morales, the leader of indigenous peoples, took the power is a result of long history of social struggle. Why is it important to analyze the history of social movements in Bolivia, what can it say about the development of democracy to democratic theory? Solidarity as one of the main elements of democracy was the only way for the indigenous Bolivians to achieve freedom and equality. While during the neoliberal political-economic reforms in Europe and the USA workers' solidarity has been marginalised, in Bolivia the resistance against neoliberal model played a vital role to build new forms of political solidarity. Thus the analysis of the history of how colonial and later system of liberal republicanism divided the strong indigenous communities and weakened their ability to resist them leading to political and economic alienation is important for theoretical reflections on a new forms of democracy. The history of indigenous in Bolivia shows that the main source of communal protection for these people was the communal ownership of land. The article demonstrates how first Spanish colonialists, then liberal republicans and later oligarchs together with transnational corporations pushed indigenous people from their lands thus threatening not just their livelihood but also their entire way of life. Since Inca Empire times indigenous people lived in very close communities, where they shared land and decision making. Communal assemblies were and remain today the most respected way of decision making. [.]
The article explores how solidarity and political emancipation progressed and impacted resistance against colonial imperialism movements in Bolivia. All throughout five hundred years of colonialism in South America local people sought to defend their communal way of life. Recent history of Bolivia, when Evo Morales, the leader of indigenous peoples, took the power is a result of long history of social struggle. Why is it important to analyze the history of social movements in Bolivia, what can it say about the development of democracy to democratic theory? Solidarity as one of the main elements of democracy was the only way for the indigenous Bolivians to achieve freedom and equality. While during the neoliberal political-economic reforms in Europe and the USA workers' solidarity has been marginalised, in Bolivia the resistance against neoliberal model played a vital role to build new forms of political solidarity. Thus the analysis of the history of how colonial and later system of liberal republicanism divided the strong indigenous communities and weakened their ability to resist them leading to political and economic alienation is important for theoretical reflections on a new forms of democracy. The history of indigenous in Bolivia shows that the main source of communal protection for these people was the communal ownership of land. The article demonstrates how first Spanish colonialists, then liberal republicans and later oligarchs together with transnational corporations pushed indigenous people from their lands thus threatening not just their livelihood but also their entire way of life. Since Inca Empire times indigenous people lived in very close communities, where they shared land and decision making. Communal assemblies were and remain today the most respected way of decision making. [.]
