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The subject of this study is the evolution of British public policy between 1900 and 2010 with to the special focus on budgetary, monetary and social policy, as well as policy towards the public sector. This period was characterized by a steady, yet non-linear rise in economic and social activity of the state. Sudden increases were caused by one of three categories of events: wars, economic crises and changes at the highest levels of government. As a result, the history of British public policy in between 1900 and 2010 is divided into the following stages: 1) 1900-1931 - decline of the liberal era; 2) 1931-1951 - steady increase in the state's economic activity; 3) 1951-1979 - systemic stabilization at a high level of state involvement in economic and social issues; 4) 1997-2007 - attempt to return to economic liberalism; 5) 2007-2010 - a period of volatility and the search for new public policy principles.

Since the beginning of the political transition in Poland an unproductive discussion has been continued concerning the role of economic self-government in the system of local government. The current legal regulations do not provide business chambers with the status of public legal unions. They tend to be based on the facultative nature of the ties between entrepreneurs, which is the main cause of the weakness of the Polish economic self-government, or rather the economic quasi-self-government. The consequential structural and programmatic weakness of entrepreneurs' organisation seems to be the major obstacle in creating an effective system of local governance that could equalise the excessively asymmetric relations between the local government and the representation of entrepreneurs. It is beyond doubt that the lack of such structures in the area of public institutions is the main reason for marginalising them by the government and local authorities, which do not see the need to make any concessions for the diffused economic environment. Given this context, the most rational solution seems to be the creation of a common economic self-government, which will be incorporated into the system of public authorities.

The examination of public policy in Poland should refer to the terms, analytical categories as well as theories, which have already been postulated in this research field. The article aims to present an overview of the development of public policy theories in the long run. To begin with, the typological and stages approaches were presented. The theories of public policy were presented as two broader classes based on the differentiation into rational and interpretative paradigms. The application of the first one was examined in greater detail in the area of defining the choices of the ways to address public issues. The interpretative paradigm was presented mainly in connection with the argumentative approach as well as an attempt to combine the rational and interpretative approaches in the context of a rational discussion. The overview ends with the presentation of a few ways of organising the public policy research field through the research questions, the research areas, the theoretical-methodological framework as well as the archetypes of the public policy analysts' activity.

For much of the 20th century Polish governments heavily regulated foreign trade, but the degree of this influence differed. When Poland became independent in1918, the state took almost complete control over the sector. Atentative liberalization was stopped by the customs war with Germany in1925, and later by the Great Depression. The final years before the Second World War saw an increase inthe state's influence through the exchange control. Regulations became stricter under different conditions inthe post-war period, with the state monopolizing foreign trade entirely. After the end of Stalinism in1956, Poland slowly opened up its economy, but until the 1980s changes were limited inscope. Atrue breakthrough came with the transition, which started in1989. Notonly did the country open up, but inthe coming years, the government ceded some of its powers relating toforeign trade tothe European Union. During the interwar period, as well as after 1989, Poland followed worldwide trends. The communist period was an aberration inthe sense of producing an ineffective system. Both before the war and under the communist regime, foreign trade was expected tobring mostly static gains. This changed significantly only after 1989. ; Wpolskiej polityce handlowej naprzestrzeni ostatnich stu latmożna zaobserwować fluktuacje wstopniu wpływu państwa nawymianę. Zaczęto od niemal pełnej kontroli państwa nad handlem zagranicznym uprogu niepodległości, następnie trend stopniowej liberalizacji został przerwany przez wojnę celną zNiemcami iwielki kryzys, zaś ostatnie lata przed wybuchem drugiej wojny światowej były świadkami ponownego przejęcia kontroli nad handlem zagranicznym przez rozbudowane instytucje państwowe. Wzrost zaangażowania państwa wystąpił wzupełnie innym kontekście pozakończeniu wojny wraz zwprowadzoną przez komunistów monopolizacją wymiany międzynarodowej. Po okresie stalinowskim doszło do odwrócenia kierunku zmian istopniowej liberalizacji wymiany. Początkowo była ona bardzo ograniczona, przyspieszyła jednak wlatach 80., zasadniczy przełom nastąpił zaś wtrakcie transformacji gospodarczej po1989 r. Charakterystyczną konsekwencją integracji gospodarczej następnych latbyło scedowanie wielu instrumentów prowadzenia polityki handlowej nainstytucje międzynarodowe –przede wszystkim zaś naUnię Europejską. Zarówno wczasie Drugiej, jak iTrzeciej Rzeczypospolitej, polityka handlowa prowadzona była zgodnie ztrendami światowymi. Odstępstwem od nich była narzucona zzewnątrz polityka latkomunizmu.

Rated both positively and negatively, Shinzō Abe has achieved a lot as prime minister. He contributed to a new perception of Japan in the international arena. During the eight years of his rule in power, his administration carried out reforms aimed at better coordination of security policy, strengthened the position of the prime minister in this field, and increased the involvement of the SDF in ensuring security. They resulted primarily from changes taking place in its security environment: the development of North Korea's missile and nuclear program, the assertive attitude of the People's Republic of China, and an increase in arms spending and the intensification of Chinese military activity in the region (around the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu islands and in the South China Sea). The article aims to analyze the changes in the security policy introduced during the rule of Shinzō Abe in the internal aspect.

The author analyses the selected aspects of capitalism in the countries of Central Europe. The author presents the various theoretical concepts that refer to the issue in question involving the concept coined by L. King and I. Szelenyi, which holds that the systemic changes in the countries of this region are specifically characterised by the perspective of 'from without' capitalism. They believe that the specificity of the capitalist system lies in the fact that in the key times of the post-communist changes of the political system, the issue of the absence of an important class of private owners was not addressed. In the West private proprietors were the ones that constituted the main driving force of an open-market economy. The article presents the advantages and drawbacks of an economic model formed by the dominant share of foreign capital, with an emphasis placed on the consequences of the issue in question on the limitations of the subjectivity of economic policy of a state as well as the development chances of local businesses. It manifests the fears that the model created in Poland (and in other countries of the region) after the year 1989 sets the role model for local enterprises of corporate subcontractors of mainly traditional or niche products and services.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The scientific goal of the article is to analyze traffic safety policy, in a problem-chronological perspective, as part of the Swedish "welfare state" model, with particular emphasis on internal political and social factors.THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: In exploring the issues of road safety in Sweden, the author used a functionalist approach to examine the relationship of political forces affecting their shape. The genetic method has allowed to mention qualitative factors that are the foundations of Swedish policy. Institutional and normative approach with regard to the characteristics of decision-making processes, law-making processes resulted in a system analysis in line with the theoretical model proposed by David Easton. Each stage of the legislative process has been followed – from the change initiative to the entry intoforce of the "Vision Zero". The method of content analysis and the institutional and legal method served to illustrate the role that it has for Sweden for 20 years.THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: Ensuring broadly understood, multi-tasked road traffic safety is today a prerequisite for harmonious economic and social development of the country (for example, due to the cost of treatment of accident victims, but also the legitimacy of authority, whose task is to ensure safety).RESEARCH RESULTS: The necessity of introducing a nationwide road safety strategy was convinced by all the groups that sat in the Swedish parliament in 1997 (as evidenced by its voting through acclamation). The consolidation attitude of many social groups, institutions and individual road users, promoted by the Vision Zero, resulted in considerable successes. First of all, the number of fatalities in road accidents in 1997-2012 dropped by 48%. At the same time, the number of people who suffered minor injuries in the same period as a result of road accidents has increased. This testifies to the correct decisions of Swedish strategists who were already well aware in 1997 that it is impossible to eliminate accidents as such (which is why they focused on reducing the most tragic effects).CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The Vision of Zero, which is now a general philosophy of approach to road safety issues in Sweden, thanks to its efficiency and effectiveness has become not only a source of pride on the part of the Swedes themselves. Few (Sweden's population for the first time reached a ceiling of 10 million inhabitants in January 2017), although the very innovative Swedish society developed an innovative model of cooperation between private and public sector entities as well as every single user of transport infrastructure that contributed to the radical decline the number of accidents resulting in death or serious injury. Thus, once again, the descendants of the Vikings became a role model for other nations – both among European Union countries and on a global scale.

The article presents the problem of fiscal imbalance in the Russian Federation and the mechanisms of its equalization. These mechanisms are one of the key elements of budgetary relations, due to significant differences in the level of economic development of federal subjects, resulting in horizontal and vertical fiscal imbalance. The paper presents the most important mechanisms from the early 90 s. Most attention was paid to the main method of guaranteeing financial security - The Fund for Financial Support of Subjects. Until 2008 an important element of the financial system had been other special funds (eg. The Federal Fund for Regional Development, The Federal Compensation Fund), replaced by intergovernmental grants. The main principles, objectives and implications of these mechanisms were described. Part of the work was dedicated to showing federal entities' dependence on financial transfers from the federal level. The outcome was that equalization results proved to be weak, mechanisms were unstable and not always formalized so as not to be subject to current policy needs.

The present paper aims to present the rivalry of global and regional capitalist powers for political, strategic, diplomatic, and economic influences in the contemporary Republic of Uzbekistan. The modern history and the contemporary political situation of the Uzbek state are the most important points of issue. After years of international isolation and etatist social and economic policy, under the new political leadership Uzbekistan implements economic transformation in the spirit of neo-liberal capitalism and it opens itself towards different forms of international cooperation and foreign investments. As a result, a Central Asian country which was isolated until recently gradually becomes an object of rivalry for economic and geopolitical influences. So far Uzbekistan has not become a satellite state or a quasi-colony of any of the powers. The multi-vector policy pursued by the political environment of Shavkat Mirziyoyev seems so far to successfully prevent the country being dominated by any outside center. The present article brings up the subject of relations of Uzbekistan with four great powers: the United States of America, the Russian Federation, the People's Republic of China, and the Republic of Turkey.

The aim of this paper is to indicate a diverse nature of the issues investigated in public policy sciences, particularly emphasizing the importance of the health policy in explaining social reality. By resolving public problems, numerous needs of society, inter alia, health needs can be met. One of the sciences which explains social problems and public policy has an interest in is the health policy. Both the health policy and public policy have two dimensions, i.e. applicable and theoretical. In terms of 'applicable' one, active participation of all social life entities affecting awareness of developing health resources is vital. And in the theoretical one, as a science, health policy addresses theoretical problems related to satisfying health needs of individual and collective populations. However, in the existing definitions of the health policy, there is no reference to "health needs". One can only assume that this category is used intuitively as it is hard to imagine numerous activities and decisions taken without identifying the needs, so that the health system could meet them. Reverting to health policy in its practical sense it is crucial to teach the public responsibility for their own behavior towards health. Health education deals with the skills needed to care about health in an accountable and independent way. This kind of education plays an important part in the implementation of public policy since its task is not only to transfer knowledge, but also to develop skills to make informed choices and decisions and thus to shape a democratic society with an independent way of thinking. The applicable role of the health policy is to improve the management of the health sector. In this respect, the organization of the treatment process, which is to provide comprehensive medical care for patients and therefore to improve the existing relations of a public nature, is essential.

The ethical analysis of The Theory of Moral Sentiments as well as 'n Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations presents A. Smith's (1723-1790) works in a completely new light than it is conventionally presented in the neoliberal interpretation. One of the most important issues appears to be the classification of moral sentiments. He divides them into social, neutral, and antisocial. The neutral sentiment - the so-called 'self love' forms the basis of acting in the best interests of oneself and as such it constitutes the foundations of the development of entrepreneurship. This can be transferred into an antisocial sentiment, i.e. selfishness. In such a case it has a devastating influence on economic activity, social life as well as public life. For this reason A. Smith shows the importance of the social emotion of sympathy understood as empathy and the acceptance of the behaviours that are acknowledged as proper. As the findings of his analysis clearly show, selfishness was the characteristic trait of the businessmen at that time, i.e. merchants and the owners of manufacturing plants. With reference to the works of A. Smith we should therefore identify and then describe all the psychological as well as economic mechanisms that in effect postpone or minimise the chances of the transformation of self love into selfishness, i.e. the activities based on rational economic grounds into the ones that are driven by mere greed. The interpretation of the issue presented in the article questions the conventional neoliberal interpretation. The latter reiterates that in the works of A. Smith the most important ones are the sentences taken out of the context that define the state as a night watchman and the market that is controlled by the invisible hand. The ethical analysis holds that in the opinion of A. Smith alone, one of the most fundamental problems of capitalism lies in the fact that self love should be realised within the boundaries set by the community. The Theory of Moral Sentiments is so vital then, in which he analysed sympathy, social sentiment, and selfishness, i.e. an antisocial emotion, along with 'n Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, in which he addressed the issue of collective selfishness.

The paper aims at investigating the process of international R&D relocation by transnational corporations abroad. The prospective impacts exerted by corporate research units on host countries and the public policy conducted for enhancing innovativeness of national economy are presented. R&D relocation implies FDI inflows by TNCs to host countries aimed at establishing corporate research units (research centers, subsidiaries engaged in research and production) as well as expanding their local ties which generate impacts on national R&D sphere and host economy. "Foreign component" of national research sphere is developed and its characteristics differ from those of domestic research entities. There are possible both favorable and unfavorable impacts exerted by foreign research units on innovativeness of domestic entities and NIS functioning. The host state should influence growth and activity of corporate foreign research units by means of investment policy (towards FDI inflows) and innovation policy (towards TNCs' innovation activity), in both cases serving a long-term strategy for enhancing innovativeness of national economy.

The following discussion took place in September 2018 at the Warsaw School of Economics. It focused on both senior politics, experts, and analysts. The discussion was moderated and planned by Andrzej Klimczuk, associated with the Warsaw School of Economics, and invited to the discussion: Barbara Szatur-Jaworska, social politician and gerontologist from the University of Warsaw, Paweł Kubicki, economist, Warsaw School of Economics, Marek Niezabitowski, sociologist from the Silesian University of Technology, Ryszard Majer, social politician , Agnieszka Cieśla, architect and urban planner, Warsaw University of Technology, Marzena Rudnicka, founder and president of the National Institute of Senior Management (biographical notes at the end of the debate). Panelists during the discussion analyzed the following issues: I. Beginnings of the senior policy, its definition, strategic documents of the state, II. The role of local governments in animating activities within the framework of senior policy and non-governmental organizations, III. Creation and role of the law on seniors, IV. Diversification of the environment of seniors, V. Activities in other countries within the framework of the senior policy, VI. Changes in social awareness, the evolution of attitudes towards older people, old age, ageing, VII. The market for products and services for seniors, VIII. Seniors' activity, formal and informal, activity infrastructure, IX. Housing for older people and ageing population X. The role of the state and self-government in the senior policy, dialogue with the authorities, public-private partnership, XI. Challenges and directions of development of the senior policy, XII. The deficit of care services, XIII. Senior and pension policy, XIV. Convergence and divergence in the senior policy.