Suchergebnisse

Članak analizira učinke Europskog semestra, okvira EU-a za socijalno-ekonomsku koordinaciju, na promjenu politike zapošljavanja u Hrvatskoj. Slučaj Hrvatske treba ilustrirati kako, pod kojim uvjetima i u kojoj mjeri arhitektura Europskog semestra utječe na politike zapošljavanja u Hrvatskoj. U žarištu su analize dvije stavke javnih politika: Garancija za mlade i dob za umirovljenje. Nalazi vezani za Garanciju za mlade podržavaju očekivanje prema kojemu pojačani nadzor i obveze izvještavanja pridonose promjeni nacionalnih javnih politika. Koristeći intervjue kao izvore podataka, auto pronalazi dva ključna elementa utjecaja: administrativni pritisak i slabu upoznatost s načinom rada Europske komisije u sklopu Europskog semestra. Istodobno, Hrvatska je opetovano zanemarivala preporuke za usklađivanjem dobi umirovljenja za muškarce i žene. Razlozi slaba utjecaja Europskog semestra na tom području mogu se pronaći u ograničavajućem efektu sastava koalicijske vlade, krutosti javne politike, suprotstavljenih uvjerenja i vrlo neizvjesne političke situacije. Ti su uvjeti bili čimbenici odvraćanja od promjene javnih politika, unatoč mogućim sankcijama EU-a. ; This paper analyzes the effects of the European Semester, EU's framework for socio-economic policy coordination, on change of Croatian employment policy. The case of Croatia is used to illustrate in what manner, under which conditions and to what extent the European Semester architecture actually influences Croatian employment policies. The focus is on two policy items: the Youth Guarantee and the retirement age provision. The findings on the Youth Guarantee lend crucial support to the expectation that intensified monitoring and reporting obligations will contribute to domestic policy change. Drawing on interview data, the author identifies administrative pressure and low familiarity with the European Commission's modus operandi within the European Semester as two crucial elements of influence. On the other hand, Croatia repeatedly neglected EU's recommendation to step up the harmonization of female and male retirement age. Reasons for low European Semester impact on this issue can be found in a number of constraining conditions that were at play: coalition politics, the stickiness of the policy issue, opposite policy beliefs and a highly uncertain political situation. These factors acted as factors from policy change despite potential EU sanctions down the pike.

Razina ekonomske slobode svake se godine mjeri putem jedinstvene svjetske metodologije. Na taj je način kanadski Fraser Institute razvio sustavni pristup javnim politikama koje utječu na opseg javne potrošnje i državne imovine, visinu glavnih poreza, inflaciju, slobodnu trgovinu, na regulaciju poslovanja, tržišta rada i kredita te ostala mjerena područja. Takav policy okvir može biti koristan za dizajniranje strukturnih prilagodbi kojima se poduzetnike može osloboditi od prekomjernog utjecaja i troška države. Također, smanjivanjem i ograničavanjem uloge države ekonomske slobode doprinose poboljšanju institucionalnog okvira za slobodno tržište. U konačnici, ekonomske slobode usko su vezane uz geopolitiku. ; The level of economic freedom is measured each year through a unique world methodology. This way, Canadian Fraser Institute has developed a systematic approach to public policies which affect the scope of public expenditure and state assets, level of major taxes, inflation, free trade, business regulation, labor and credit market and other measured areas. Such policy framework can be useful for designing structural adjustments by which enterprises could be freed from excessive involvement and cost of government. Moreover, by reducing and limiting the role of government economic freedom contributes the institutional framework for free market. Finally, economic freedom is closely related to geopolitics.

Iraq's overall security situation has notably improved after the defeat of ISIS, but significant challenges lie ahead. Iraq has witnessed major political and security transitions in 2017 when Prime Minister Al-Abadi announced in December the victory over ISIS after a war that lasted three years. The defeat of ISIS in Iraq left the government with the daunting tasks of rebuilding the country's infrastructure, reconstruction of liberated areas, establishing security and stability,and providing services for the return of the displaced persons. On May 12, 2018 Iraq voted in parliamentary elections that delivered a win for a political bloc led by Moqtada al-Sadr, while PM Al-Abadi's bloc, once seen as front runner, came in third. The ballots have been recounted after allegations of fraud and completed on August 8th without major change. On September 15th, Iraq's parliament elected lawmaker Mohammed al-Halbousi as speaker, marking a major step towards establishing a new government. On October 2nd, Iraq's parliament elected as president Barham Salih,who immediately named Adel Abdul Mahdi Prime Minister-designate, ending months of deadlock afterthe national election in May.

Kako bi bio efikasniji, sigurnosni sustav mora se bazirati na suradnji partnera na lokalnoj, regionalnoj, međunarodnoj i globalnoj razini. Koordinativni pristup multidisciplinarnom sigurnosnom sustavu podrazumijeva zajedničku namjeru, misiju, viziju i ciljeve svih institucija i tijela kojima je dodijeljena uloga u pružanju i očuvanju sigurnosti države i njenog stanovništva. Međuresorna suradnja sigurnosnog sektora predstavlja odnos između dijela ili dijelova različitih sektora društva koji su formirani u svrhu provedbi mjera i aktivnosti vezanih za pitanja sigurnosti. U poslovima sigurnosti veoma je važna međusobna suradnja svih sektora društva. Svrha ovakvog sveobuhvatnog pristupa upravo je osiguranje stabilnosti i sigurnosti. Svaki oblik suradnje podrazumijeva postizanje više razine operativnosti nego što bi se to moglo postići samostalnim djelovanjem. U ovom radu autori će se baviti pitanjima međuresorne suradnje policije, vojske i sigurnosno-obavještajnih agencija. Suvremene asimetrične ugroze ne poznaju nacionalne granice i ne sputavaju ih limitacije u nadležnostima pojedinih resora, poput vojske i policije te je u cilju efikasnog kriznog planiranja, na nacionalnoj razini, potrebno intenzivirati multidisciplinarnu koordinaciju sudionika sigurnosnog sektora. Sukladno navedenom, sigurnosni sustav mora biti u stanju operativnosti kako bi izvršio sve operacije pod jedinstvenom strukturom nadležnosti i kontrole institucija. --- To be effective, security system must be based on co-operation of partners at local, regional, international and global level. Co-ordinated approach to a multidisciplinary security system implies a common purpose, mission, vision and goals of all the institutions and bodies that have been assigned the roles in providing and preserving the security of the state and its population. Intersectoral cooperation of the security sector represents a relationship between part or parts of different sectors of society that are formed for the purpose of implementing the measures and activities related to safety issues. When it comes to the field of security activities the co-operation of all sectors of society is of great importance. The purpose of such comprehensive approach is precisely to ensure stability and security. Any form of cooperation includes the achievement of higher levels of operability than it could be achieved through independent operations. The authors will address issues of intersectoral cooperation of police, military and security intelligence agencies. Modern asymmetrical threats know no national boundaries and are not bound by limitations in the jurisdiction of certain departments, such as the army and police and in the purpose of efficient crisis planning, at the national level, it is necessary to intensify the coordination of multi-disciplinary participants of the security sector. Accordingly, the security system must be in state of operability in order to perform all operations under a single structure of institutional jurisdiction and control.

The article focuses on the interconnectedness of foreign policy environments to explain Slovenia's opportunities and constraints for foreign policy action. During the period of pre-independence para-diplomacy, the building of an internal and external domestic environment successfully turned constraints (no international recognition) into opportunities (applying for membership of European and global intergovernmental organizations). In the second period — post-recognition — considering the absence of a strategic foreign policy document, the Slovenian internal foreign policy environment became a major constraint to seize foreign environment opportunities. This affected Slovenia's accomplishments, notably after NATO and EU memberships were achieved in 2004. Although the Slovenian internal environment matured during the following period to adopt, in 2015, a comprehensive foreign policy strategy the recent turn in world politics (especially the European financial and economic crisis and the migration crisis) created for the first time a foreign environment for Slovenia that offered many fewer opportunities and far more constraints. ; The article focuses on the interconnectedness of foreign policy environments to explain Slovenia's opportunities and constraints for foreign policy action. During the period of pre-independence para-diplomacy, the building of an internal and external domestic environment successfully turned constraints (no international recognition) into opportunities (applying for membership of European and global intergovernmental organizations). In the second period — post-recognition — considering the absence of a strategic foreign policy document, the Slovenian internal foreign policy environment became a major constraint to seize foreign environment opportunities. This affected Slovenia's accomplishments, notably after NATO and EU memberships were achieved in 2004. Although the Slovenian internal environment matured during the following period to adopt, in 2015, a comprehensive foreign policy strategy the recent turn in world politics (especially the European financial and economic crisis and the migration crisis) created for the first time a foreign environment for Slovenia that offered many fewer opportunities and far more constraints.