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This contribution addresses, from a comparative perspective, the topic of inter-ministerial coordination of European policies, adopting a polythetic classification based on a plurality of parameters, including the location of the mechanisms for coordination, as well as the establishment of a specific Ministry for European affairs. The taxonomy is explained through the use of a straight line, on which different points correspond to each "pure" model, while on the segments the author places the real systems adopted throughout the Member States. The article also tests the theories elaborated by political scientists on the evolution of coordination systems, checking their (partial) transposition into legal sources. Recalling the essential results of the stress test that occurred with the economic crisis on the performance of national administrations, with particular reference to their resilience, the text lays the foundations for an assessment of the coordination of European policies in the management of the COVID-19 pandemic. ; Il contributo affronta, in prospettiva comparata, il tema del coordinamento interministeriale delle politiche europee, adottando una classificazione politetica basata su una pluralità di parametri, tra cui la collocazione delle sedi di coordinamento e l'istituzione di un Ministero specifico per gli affari europei. La tassonomia viene spiegata attraverso l'utilizzo di una retta, su cui vengono individuati punti corrispondenti a ciascun modello "puro", mentre sui segmenti l'autrice colloca i sistemi reali adottati nei diversi Stati membri. L'articolo testa, inoltre, la tenuta delle teorie politologiche sull'evoluzione dei sistemi di coordinamento, verificando la loro (parziale) trasposizione giuridica. Riprendendo i risultati essenziali dello stress test verificatosi con la crisi economica per la performance delle amministrazioni nazionali, con particolare riferimento alla resilienza delle stesse, il testo pone le basi per una valutazione del coordinamento delle politiche europee nella gestione della crisi della pandemia da COVID-19.

Multi-level governance is now an established field of public policy research. In this context there is a need to introduce two new concepts: substantiation of public policy goals and multi- level coordination of public policy goals. In the study based on this assumption a qualitative approach is used. Usefulness of these two concepts was proved by participatory action policy research on one specific goal substantiated and coordinated within Europe 2020 Strategy in the policy area of poverty. In the course of the research (2012-2015) the author was a representative of the network of social NGOs in the governmental body responsible for implementation of the Europe 2020 Strategy in Poland. The main action research tool was an attempt to modify the goal of poverty reduction decided by the government in 2011. In that process rich data was generated, analyzed, interpreted and used for subsequent actions. The effect of the research is a deep insight and understanding of multi-level governance process in a specific policy area and a proposal for two new concepts. Emerging new research areas were proposed and discussed.

This thesis is a collection of three essays about the economics of coordination. Coordination issues arise when, in presence of multiple equilibria, heterogeneously informed agents need to coordinate with each other towards a Pareto-superior outcome. Electoral outcomes, collective decision-making, currency attacks or polit- ical regime changes examples of coordination problems. The first chapter provides a game theoretic analysis of group decision making, investigating how an agent's communication behavior is affected by different voting systems. I show that in an ideal state where communication is noisy but agents can communicate without opportunity costs, agents will always reach unanimous consensus regardless of which voting system governs the deliberative process. I further show that under the more realistic case in which communication involves opportunity costs, voting systems shape an agent's communication behavior. Specifically, when the opportunity costs of communication are low, a voting system based on unanimity approximates the results of the ideal state. Conversely, when communication involves high opportunity costs, a voting system based on majority is more desirable. The second essay is an experimental test of the predictions developed in the first chapter. The experiment is designed to determine how different voting institutions in uence the process of communication of collective decision bodies when communication can be costly. In contrast with the existing literature, I have found that different voting institutions induce different decision outcomes. In particular, a voting system based on unanimity fosters subjects' communication and information sharing. Once subjects choose to communicate, I also have observed that communication unambiguously improves the quality of the decision outcome across each voting rule. The third and final essay provides a political regime-change interpretation of the organized crime phe- nomenon. Under the assumption that the a criminal organization in a society benefits of the support of individuals, I investigate the strategic interplay between a criminal organization and a large number of citizens who might be more inclined to support the criminal organization rather than reporting its illegal activities to the legal authority. Borrowing from the economic literature on coordination and regime change, I model a criminal organization as an autocratic regime and claim that illegal activities are used in order to raise citizens support.

This essay examines the political destiny and function in government of the civic institutions and élites of formerly independent urban polities once they had settled into the new political context of the Italian regional states in the fifteenth century. Research conducted from the 1970s onwards has established the greater weakness of Padua's municipal institutions and élite in relation to Venice, as compared to the experience of many other cities of the Terraferma dominion. The essay focuses on the profile of issues connected with land in the Paduan civic council's activity in the later fifteenth century, also seeking to gauge the extent of its autonomy in policy-making and its perception of its role, especially in relation to the action of Venetian authority. The archival material used concerns both the activity of the Paduan council and the more general conduct of government in Venice and Padua.

Studies into the management of a state's membership o f the European Union and the management of the European project are based on a belief in the disciplinary nature of the issue of coordination of European policy. The findings o f management studies, administration studies, political studies, law and European studies serve this purpose. Therefore, studies into the presence of the state in the European Union are to a large extent based on the issues related to the national coordination of European policy understood not only as a set of cause and-effect relations developed in the course o f political negotiation, but also as an emerging subsystem of political decision-making. The system of European policy coordination in Poland performs its tasks efficiently, nevertheless the cooperation between the MPs, MEPs, Polish government and Polish administration officials needs to be strengthened in the future. As concerns the cooperation between the Sejm and Senate (the lower and upper chambers o f the Polish parliament) it should be emphasized that the government and both chambers are supposed to complement and support one another in matters of European policy. The policy conducted by the state should be founded on cooperation, consensus and trust. ; Dotychczasowe badania nad zarządzaniem członkostwem państwa w Unii Europejskiej, zarządzaniem projektem europejskim, bazują na przekonaniu o interdyscyplinarności zagadnienia koordynacji polityki europejskiej. Swoim dorobkiem służą na tym gruncie nauka o zarządzaniu, nauka o administracji, politologia, nauka prawa i europeistyka. Stąd studia nad zarządzaniem obecnością państwa w Unii Europejskiej w dużej mierze opierają się na zagadnieniach związanych z krajową koordynacją polityki europejskiej rozumianą nie tylko jako zespół działań przyczynowo-skutkowych powstałych w toku prowadzonych negocjacji politycznych, lecz również jako wyodrębniający się podsystem decydowania politycznego. Polski system koordynacji polityki europejskiej sprawnie wykonuje swoje zadania, jednak w przyszłości należy wzmocnić współpracę między posłami polskiego Parlamentu, posłami Parlamentu Europejskiego, rządem RP oraz urzędnikami polskiej administracji. Jeśli chodzi o współpracę między rządem a Sejmem i Senatem można podkreślić, że rząd i obie izby parlamentu powinny wzajemnie się uzupełniać i wspierać w polityce europejskiej. Prowadzona w efekcie polityka powinna być oparta na kooperacji, konsensusie i zaufaniu.

Negli ultimi anni le istituzioni e la regolamentazione hanno svolto un ruolo sempre più importante nell'analisi della crescita economica. Tuttavia, non è facile interpretare le istituzioni e gli effetti dei regolamenti sulla crescita attraverso indicatori che tendono a "misurare" le istituzioni. Lo scopo di questa ricerca è analizzare la relazione di lungo periodo tra la crescita economica e la regolamentazione e il ruolo della regolamentazione antitrust sulla crescita economica. La stima econometrica dei modelli di crescita con la concorrenza e gli indicatori di potere di mercato si base su un dataset appositamente costruito che copre 211 Paesi, su un arco temporale massimo di 50 anni (da 1960 a 2009). In particolare, cerchiamo di identificare un quadro analitico volto a integrare l'analisi istituzionale ed economica al fine di valutare il ruolo della regolamentazione e, più in generale, il ruolo delle istituzioni nella crescita economica. Dopo una revisione della letteratura teorica ed empirica sulla crescita e le istituzioni, vi presentiamo l'analisi dell'impatto normativo (RIA) in materia di concorrenza, e analizziamo le principali misure di regolamentazione, la governance e le misure antitrust. Per rispondere alla nostra domanda di ricerca si stimano modelli di crescita prendendo in considerazione tre diverse misure di regolamentazione: la Regulation Impact (RI), la Governance (GOV), e la libertà economica (LIB). Nel modello a effetti fissi, RI, gli effetti della legislazione antitrust sulla crescita economica sono significativi e positivi, e gli effetti di durata antitrust sono significativi, ma negativi. Nel pannel dinamico, GOV, gli effetti dell'indicatore di governance sulla crescita sono notevoli, ma negativo. Nel pannel dinamico, LIB, gli effetti della LIB sono significativi e negativi. ; During last years institutions and regulations have played an increasingly and important role in the growth economic analysis. However, it is not easy to interpret the institutions and regulations effects on growth using indicators which tend to "measure" institutions. The purpose of this research is analyse the long-run relationship between economic growth and regulation, and the role of antitrust regulation on economic growth. Our econometric estimation of growth models with competition and market power indicators based on an expressly conceived dataset including 211 countries, over a maximum period range of 50 years (from 1960 to 2009). In particular, we try to identify an analytical framework aiming to complement the institutional and economic analysis in order to assess the regulation role and more generally, the role of institutions in economic growth. After a theoretical and empirical literature review on growth and institutions, we present the Regulatory Impact Analysis (RIA) on competition, and we analyse the main regulation, governance and antitrust measures. To answer our research question we estimate several growth models considering three regulatory measures: Regulation Impact (RI), Governance (GOV), and Economic Freedom (LIB). In the RI fixed effect model, the effects of antitrust legislation on economic growth are significant and positive, and the effects of antitrust duration are significant but negative. In the GOV dynamic panel, the effects of governance index on growth are significant but negative. In the LIB dynamic panel the effects of LIB are significant and negative.

The economic policy of Polish governments changed but can be broadly divided into two groups. The first encompassed periods when Polish policy belonged to awidelydefined world mainstream. The second –those when Polish governments attempted alternatives tothe mainstream, looking for various ways of "taking ashortcut". In general, the first group helped economic development, the second hindered it, isolating the country from the world economy. The first group included the entire interwar period, when autarchic tendencies were mainstream, as well as the years 1944–1947 and 1989–2015. ; Polityka gospodarcza rządu polskiego przechodziła różne fazy, które jednak generalnie można podzielić nadwie grupy. Do pierwszej należały te, kiedy polityka polska mieściła się wgłównym nurcie przemian światowych. Do drugiej te, kiedy władze polskie stawiały naalternatywne wobec mainstreamu rozwiązania, ulegając pokusie "pójścia naskróty". Generalnie można powiedzieć, że pierwsze przyczyniały się do rozwoju kraju, adrugie sprowadzały jego rozwój namanowce, izolując od gospodarki światowej. Do pierwszej grupy można zaliczyć cały okres międzywojenny, łącznie zlatami 30., kiedy totendencje autarkiczne były właśnie mainstreamowe, lata 1944–1947 ilata 1989–2015.

La partecipazione dei cittadini e delle organizzazioni senza scopo di lucro (associazioni e cooperative) viene da più parti invocata come un obiet-tivo importante per incrementare la qualità della democrazia, nonché l'ef-ficacia, l'appropriatezza e l'efficienza delle politiche pubbliche. La partecipazione, tuttavia, non è mai un aspetto spontaneo, o determinato solo da aspetti tecnici e procedurali. Il capitolo discute le dinamiche partecipative più rilevanti in Lombardia nel campo delle politiche sociali. Per farlo si appoggia ai concetti classici della scienza politica e della sociologia politica delle politiche pubbliche, con un'attenzione particolare alle relazioni fra gli attori e ai momenti conflittuali che producono apprendimento e cambiamento nei partner in interazione. In un primo paragrafo sarà inquadrata la struttura di poteri nella Regione Lombardia e le modalità di costruzione del consenso delle Giunte Formigoni. Saranno, poi, analizzati i principali caratteri della partecipazione della società civile a livello regionale, osservando lo sviluppo di capacità critiche e politiche del terzo settore nel corso del processo di law-making della l.reg. 3/2008. Un terzo paragrafo sarà dedicato a discutere le innovazioni emerse nei processi di mobilitazione della società civile nell'implementazione della legge. Infine, verranno discussi i principali fattori che ostano ad una piena partecipazione delle organizzazioni sociali nei territori del welfare locale lombardo.

La partecipazione dei cittadini e delle organizzazioni senza scopo di lucro (associazioni e cooperative) viene da più parti invocata come un obiet-tivo importante per incrementare la qualità della democrazia, nonché l'ef-ficacia, l'appropriatezza e l'efficienza delle politiche pubbliche. La partecipazione, tuttavia, non è mai un aspetto spontaneo, o determinato solo da aspetti tecnici e procedurali. Il capitolo discute le dinamiche partecipative più rilevanti in Lombardia nel campo delle politiche sociali. Per farlo si appoggia ai concetti classici della scienza politica e della sociologia politica delle politiche pubbliche, con un'attenzione particolare alle relazioni fra gli attori e ai momenti conflittuali che producono apprendimento e cambiamento nei partner in interazione. In un primo paragrafo sarà inquadrata la struttura di poteri nella Regione Lombardia e le modalità di costruzione del consenso delle Giunte Formigoni. Saranno, poi, analizzati i principali caratteri della partecipazione della società civile a livello regionale, osservando lo sviluppo di capacità critiche e politiche del terzo settore nel corso del processo di law-making della l.reg. 3/2008. Un terzo paragrafo sarà dedicato a discutere le innovazioni emerse nei processi di mobilitazione della società civile nell'implementazione della legge. Infine, verranno discussi i principali fattori che ostano ad una piena partecipazione delle organizzazioni sociali nei territori del welfare locale lombardo.

Me-economy and we-economy are models (trends, streams) in the global economy development. In the me-economy model the core of interest is a consumer (user, client, prosumer, etc.) and the customisation in meeting customers' needs. Contrary to me-economy, we-economy stands for reciprocity economy, co-production of products and/or services by the users and clients, supported by neighbourly relations and co-operation, the principles of wikinomics and prosumption. The above-mentioned trend combines the features of different systems and economic streams, i.e. the market economy with the traditional economy and the centrally controlled economic system, as well as the laissez-faire approach with libertarianism and liberalism. Due to the limited role of the state in functioning of this trend and the lack of suitable legal regulations and economic tools which would determine the development of we-economy, it is often perceived as a threat to social and economic security, and not as a direction of development stimulating the activities of various entities.

The coexistence of different income tax systems is structurally antithetic to a system – the EU one – which promotes economic integration. Does EU law, in accordance with these scopes, provide solutions for the distribution of tax powers between member states? In particular, does the coexistence of those tax powers imply the recognition of a "priority" in taxation of cross-border income, belonging to one rather than the other Member States? The fundamental principles of EU law – see the EU Treaties – offer no support to affirm the existence of such distribution parameters and, more generally, it is much more difficult to determine whether these same principles of European law involve a set of coordination rules, which the tax claim of the Member States must comply. ; La coexistence de différents systèmes de revenus se confrontes structurellement à un ordonnancement qui promeut l'intégration économique. Est-ce que le droit européen, en accord avec ces exigences, prévoit des solutions pour la répartition du pouvoir impositif entre Etats membres ? En particulier, est ce que la coexistence de tels pouvoirs implique comme son homonyme (imposé par le droit communautaire), la reconnaissance nécessaire d'une priorité dans la taxation des revenustransnationaux, appartenant à l'un plutôt qu'à l'autre des Etats membres ? Les principes fondamentaux du droit européen – indiqués dans les Traités instituant les Communautés Européennes – n'offrent aucun appui certain pour affirmer l'existence de tels paramètres de répartition, et, de manière plus générale, il est bien plus difficile d'établir si ces mêmes principes de droit européen impliquent un ensemble de règles de coordination, auquel la prétention fiscale des Etats membres doit être conforme.

The COVID-19 pandemic constitutes an unprecedented challenge with very severe socio-economic consequences. We are committed to do everything necessary to meet this challenge in a spirit of solidarity. A coordinated and comprehensive strategy is necessary to deal with health emergency needs, to support economic activity and to prepare the ground for the recovery. This strategy should combine short, medium and long-term initiatives, taking account of the spill overs and interlinkages between our economies and the need to preserve confidence and stability. Several measures have already been taken at the national and EU levels, as set out in the statement of the Eurogroup in inclusive format of 16 March. A subsequent letter of the President of the Eurogroup of 24 March outlined further elements of policy response under consideration. The European Council, in its statement of 26 March, invited the Eurogroup to present proposals on the economic response to the COVID-19 pandemic within two weeks. Replying to the Leaders' mandate, this report takes stock of actions taken thus far and outlines a comprehensive and coordinated economic response. ; The COVID-19 pandemic constitutes an unprecedented challenge with very severe socio-economic consequences. We are committed to do everything necessary to meet this challenge in a spirit of solidarity. A coordinated and comprehensive strategy is necessary to deal with health emergency needs, to support economic activity and to prepare the ground for the recovery. This strategy should combine short, medium and long-term initiatives, taking account of the spill overs and interlinkages between our economies and the need to preserve confidence and stability. Several measures have already been taken at the national and EU levels, as set out in the statement of the Eurogroup in inclusive format of 16 March. A subsequent letter of the President of the Eurogroup of 24 March outlined further elements of policy response under consideration. The European Council, in its statement of 26 March, invited the Eurogroup to present proposals on the economic response to the COVID-19 pandemic within two weeks. Replying to the Leaders' mandate, this report takes stock of actions taken thus far and outlines a comprehensive and coordinated economic response.