Objectif : L'objectif de cet article c'est d'analyser la pandémie du coronavirus prise dans sa dimension de catastrophe mondiale, ainsi que le fait que ses effets sont plus graves sur les personnes en situation de vulnérabilité, manifestant ainsi l'existence d'une véritable crise des droits de l'Homme. En tant que problème mondial, sa prise en compte conduit à l'adoption de mesures conjointes et coordonnées par les États, en application du principe de solidarité.Méthodologie : La méthode hypothético-déductive est utilisée dans la préparation de la recherche, en partant de l'hypothèse que les groupes les plus vulnérables sont plus susceptibles de subir la violation des droits causée par la pandémie.Résultats : Cette recherche a montré que le Brésil connaît une crise des droits de l'Homme en raison des effets de la catastrophe du COVID-19, en particulier l'impact sur certains groupes de personnes en situation de vulnérabilité. Par ailleurs, face à l'absence de politiques publiques efficaces, de nombreuses actions individuelles soutenues par l'initiative privée ont été entreprises en faveur de ces groupes vulnérables et en application du principe de solidarité.Contributions : Le présent travail s'inscrit dans l'application des principes de solidarité mondiale et de non-indifférence comme véritable boussole pour guider les pratiques des États face aux situations les plus défavorables qui se manifestent dans le domaine des relations internationales, qu'il s'agisse de crises économiques, de catastrophes environnementales, de bouleversements sociaux, de crime organisé, de trafic de drogue, de rupture de l'État de droit, de conflits armés, de faim, de misère et de maladies, comme dans le cas du COVID-19.Mots-clés: Pandémie; catastrophe mondiale; solidarité internationale; droits de l'Homme; groupes vulnérables. RESUMOObjetivo: O presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar a pandemia do coronavírus como catástrofe global, bem como o fato de que seus efeitos são mais graves sobre pessoas em situação de vulnerabilidade, a indicar a existência de uma verdadeira crise de direitos humanos. Enquanto problema de ordem mundial, seu enfrentamento enseja a adoção de medidas conjuntas e coordenadas pelos Estados, em aplicação ao princípio da solidariedade.Metodologia: Na elaboração da pesquisa, utiliza-se o método hipotético-dedutivo, na medida em que se partiu do pressuposto de que grupos mais vulneráveis são mais suscetíveis à violação de direitos causada pela pandemia.Resultados: Esta pesquisa demonstrou que o Brasil vivencia uma crise de direitos humanos em razão do impacto da catástrofe da COVID-19, em especial no impacto em alguns grupos de pessoas em situação de vulnerabilidade. Além disso, observa-se que diante da deficiência de políticas públicas efetivas, inúmeras ações individuais com apoio da iniciativa privada foram empreendidas em prol desses grupos em situação de vulnerabilidade e em aplicação do princípio da solidariedade.Contribuições: O presente trabalho delineia na aplicação dos princípios da solidariedade global e da não indiferença como uma verdadeira bússola a orientar as práticas dos Estados diante das mais adversas situações que se manifestam no campo das relações internacionais, sejam elas provenientes de crises econômicas; catástrofes ambientais; convulsão social; crime organizado; tráfico de drogas; rompimento com o Estado de Direito; conflitos armados; fome, miséria e doenças, como no caso da COVID-19.Palavras-chave: Pandemia; catástrofe global; solidariedade internacional; direitos humanos; grupos vulneráveis. ABSTRACTObjective: The objective of this article is to analyze the pandemic of the coronavirus as a global catastrophe, as well as the fact that its effects are more serious on people in vulnerable situations, indicating the existence of a real human rights crisis. As a global problem, its confrontation requires the adoption of joint and coordinated measures by the States, applying the principle of solidarity.Methodology: The hypothetical-deductive method is used in this research, since it is based on the assumption that more vulnerable groups are more susceptible to the violation of rights caused by the pandemic.Results: This research has shown that Brazil is experiencing a human rights crisis due to the impact of the COVID-19 catastrophe, especially in the impact on some groups of people in vulnerable situations. In addition, it is observed that in the face of the deficiency of effective public policies, numerous individual actions with support from private initiative have been undertaken on behalf of these groups in situations of vulnerability and in application of the principle of solidarity.Contributions: The present work outlines in the application of the principles of global solidarity and non-indifference as a true compass to guide the practices of States in the face of the most adverse situations that manifest themselves in the field of international relations, whether they come from economic crises; environmental catastrophes; social upheaval; organized crime; drug trafficking; breakdown with the rule of law; armed conflicts; hunger, misery and diseases, as in the case of COVID-19.Keywords: Pandemic; global catastrophe; international solidarity; human rights; vulnerable groups. ; Cet article vise à analyser la pandémie de coronavirus prise dans sa dimension de catastrophe mondiale, ainsi que le fait que ses effets sont plus graves sur les personnes en situation de vulnérabilité, manifestant ainsi l'existence d'une véritable crise des droits humains. En tant que problème mondial, sa prise en compte conduit à l'adoption de mesures conjointes et coordonnées par les États, en application du principe de solidarité. La méthode utilisée dans l'étude a été hypothétique-déductive, car la recherche partait de l'hypothèse que les groupes les plus vulnérables sont plus susceptibles de subir la violation des droits causée par la pandémie. Cette prémisse visait à obtenir des données prouvant ou indiquant une possible crise des droits de l'Homme vécue au Brésil. A cet effet, l'impact de -la Covid-19 sur certains groupes de personnes en situation de sous-suffisance a été observé, ainsi que l'efficacité de toute action entreprise en application du principe de solidarité.
The recent virus outbreaks recently occurred in Wu-Han (China) not only has shown the vulnerability of the tourism industry but also stopped the world. Specialists and colleagues of all pundits have been debated hotly on the effects of COVID-19 on the tourism industry as well as the future of tourism research. For some voices, Coronavirus disease should be esteemed as a valid opportunity towards a more sustainable world (Gossling, Scott & Hall, 2020; Higgins-Desbiolles, 2020; Prideaux, Thompson & Pabel 2020) while for other it poses a serious challenge for the future of the industry (Korstanje 2020). Beyond this discrepancy, COVID19 has been widely and rapidly disseminated through the modern means of mobilities and transport which connected dispersed geographical areas in hours. Basically, and in weeks, the virus –originally spread in China- arrived in Europe and the US. In almost a month, the disease expanded to the rest of Latin America and Africa affecting all nations in the earth. The pandemic has unfortunately left 665.231 deaths infecting almost 17.040.985 (numbers updated in July). Although governments adopted different tactics and strategies, they consisted in several restrictions to global mobilities and tourism such as the cancelation of all incoming flights, national borders as well as the airspace, and the imposition of a lock-down which impeded internally the transit of persons. One of the most castigated countries were the US (152.945 victims) followed by Brazil (88.792 victims), the UK (45.961), Mexico (44.876), Italy (35.129) and Spain (28.441) only to name a few. What is more important, COVID-19 ushered the tourism industry in an unparalleled crisis which today needs from the inter-disciplinary research to find success post-pandemic strategies for a rapid recovery. Because of this, this thematic issue section brings together papers from professional researchers, scholars, and post-graduate students, as also policy-makers, that bring their advances with a strong focus on the effects and consequences of Coronavirus in tourism and hospitality. ; Los recientes brotes de virus ocurridos en Wu-Han (China) no sólo han mostrado la vulnerabilidad de la industria turística, sino que también han detenido al mundo. Especialistas y colegas de todas las tendencias han debatido acaloradamente sobre los efectos del COVID-19 en la industria del turismo, así como sobre el futuro de la investigación turística. Para algunas voces, la enfermedad del Coronavirus debe ser estimada como una oportunidad válida hacia un mundo más sostenible (Gossling, Scott & Hall, 2020; Higgins-Desbiolles, 2020; Prideaux, Thompson & Pabel 2020) mientras que para otras supone un serio desafío para el futuro de la industria (Korstanje 2020). Más allá de esta discrepancia, el COVID19 se ha difundido amplia y rápidamente a través de los modernos medios de movilidades y transportes que conectaron zonas geográficas dispersas en horas. Básicamente, y en semanas, el virus -originalmente difundido en China- llegó a Europa y Estados Unidos. En casi un mes, la enfermedad se expandió al resto de América Latina y África afectando a todas las naciones del planeta. La pandemia ha dejado, desgraciadamente, 665.231 muertos infectando a casi 17.040.985 (cifras actualizadas en julio). Aunque los gobiernos adoptaron diferentes tácticas y estrategias, éstas consistieron en varias restricciones a las movilidades globales y al turismo como la cancelación de todos los vuelos entrantes, de las fronteras nacionales así como del espacio aéreo, y la imposición de un bloqueo que impedía internamente el tránsito de personas. Uno de los países más castigados fue EE.UU. (152.945 víctimas), seguido de Brasil (88.792 víctimas), Reino Unido (45.961), México (44.876), Italia (35.129) y España (28.441), sólo por nombrar algunos. Y lo que es más importante, COVID-19 sumió a la industria turística en una crisis sin precedentes que hoy necesita de la investigación interdisciplinaria para encontrar estrategias exitosas post-pandémicas para una rápida recuperación. Por ello, esta sección temática reune trabajos de investigadores profesionales, académicos, estudiantes de postgrado, y formuladores de políticas públicas, quienes presentan sus avances con un fuerte enfoque en los efectos y consecuencias del Coronavirus en el turismo y la hostelería. ; Os recentes surtos de vírus ocorridos recentemente em Wu-Han (China) não apenas mostraram a vulnerabilidade da indústria do turismo, mas também impediram o mundo. Especialistas e colegas de todos os especialistas têm sido calorosamente debatidos sobre os efeitos da COVID-19 na indústria do turismo, assim como sobre o futuro da pesquisa turística. Para algumas vozes, a doença de Coronavirus deve ser considerada como uma oportunidade válida para um mundo mais sustentável (Gossling, Scott & Hall, 2020; Higgins-Desbiolles, 2020; Prideaux, Thompson & Pabel 2020) enquanto para outras representa um sério desafio para o futuro da indústria (Korstanje 2020). Além desta discrepância, a COVID19 tem sido ampla e rapidamente difundida através dos modernos meios de mobilização e transporte que conectaram áreas geográficas dispersas em horas. Basicamente, e em semanas, o vírus -originalmente disseminado na China- chegou à Europa e aos EUA. Em quase um mês, a doença se expandiu para o resto da América Latina e África, afetando todas as nações da Terra. A pandemia infelizmente deixou 665.231 mortes, infectando quase 17.040.985 (números atualizados em julho). Embora os governos adotassem táticas e estratégias diferentes, elas consistiram em várias restrições às mobilidades e ao turismo global, tais como o cancelamento de todos os vôos de entrada, das fronteiras nacionais, bem como do espaço aéreo, e a imposição de um bloqueio que impedia internamente o trânsito de pessoas. Um dos países mais castigados foram os EUA (152.945 vítimas), seguido pelo Brasil (88.792 vítimas), Reino Unido (45.961), México (44.876), Itália (35.129) e Espanha (28.441), para citar apenas alguns. O que é mais importante, a COVID-19 introduziu a indústria do turismo em uma crise sem paralelo, que hoje necessita de pesquisas interdisciplinares para encontrar estratégias de sucesso pós-pandêmicas para uma rápida recuperação. Por causa disso, esta seção temática reune trabalhos de pesquisadores profissionais, acadêmicos, estudantes de pós-graduação e formuladores de políticas, que apresentam seus avanços com um forte foco nos efeitos e conseqüências do Coronavírus no turismo e na hospitalidade.
The world is undergoing times of radical change. The last few decades have witnessed economical, political and social changes as a result of the installation and deployment of new information and communications technologies. Venezuelan researcher Carlota Perez, in her globally recognized book "Technological Revolutions and Financial Capital: Dynamics of Bubbles and Golden Ages", (Edward Elgar, 2002), shows how humanity has developed in cycles of about half a century based on the emergence of new technological vectors. According to Perez, the world has witnessed five such technological revolutions since the "Industrial Revolution", which have been responsible for the growth and transformation of the world economy along the last 240 years. Carlota Perez also argues that, in each of them, new technologies boosted a deep change in organizational strategies, management practices and occupational and social behaviors to successfully take advantage of the opportunities that each one of them offered. These changes were of such a profound significance that, in each occasion, they drove a total transformation of the nature and content of individual attitudes and behaviors, not only in the workplace but also in all areas of human activity; social, communitarian even personal. A change of such wide implications, that Perez has called the new techno-economic paradigm "a change of common sense". This previous foreword is important to put in perspective the present moment along the evolution of the current Revolution of Information and Telecommunications; a transformation process that the world has been undergoing since the beginning of the popularization of the personal computer and more intensely since the birth of the Internet. A process that, as any viral diffusion, begins in the thoughts and actions of pioneering minds who, be it by visioning capacity or acute intuitive sensibility, are capable of recognizing, adopting, demonstrating and diffusing the development opportunities associated with the new technological vector and with the changes in thinking and behaving that they demand. ; El mundo entero vive momentos de cambio radical. Desde hace varias décadas se producen cambios económicos, políticos y sociales derivados de la instalación y el despliegue de nuevas tecnologías microelectrónicas, especialmente las tecnologías de la información y las telecomunicaciones. La investigadora venezolana Carlota Pérez, en su globalmente reconocido libro "Revoluciones Tecnológicas y Capital Financiero: Dinámica de las Burbujas y las Edades Doradas", (Edward Elgar, 2002), demuestra como hecho histórico que la humanidad se ha desarrollado en ciclos de alrededor de medio siglo a partir del surgimiento de nuevos vectores tecnológicos. Según Pérez, son cinco las revoluciones tecnológicas, reconocidas desde la "Revolución Industrial", responsables de la transformación y el desarrollo de la economía mundial a lo largo de los últimos 240 años. Carlota Pérez sostiene igualmente que, en cada una de ellas, las nuevas tecnologías impulsaron un cambio radical de las estrategias organizacionales, las prácticas gerenciales y las conductas laborales y sociales necesarias para aprovechar con éxito las nuevas oportunidades que cada una de ellas ofrecía. Cambios de una profundidad tal que, en cada ocasión, conducían a una transformación total en el comportamiento de las personas involucradas, no solamente en sus puestos de trabajo sino en todos los ámbitos de su quehacer social, comunitario y hasta personal. Un cambio de una trascendencia tal que Pérez concluye denominando el nuevo paradigma tecno-económico como un cambio en el "sentido común". Este preámbulo es importante para poner en perspectiva el momento actual de tránsito a lo largo de la Revolución de la Información y las Telecomunicaciones. Un proceso de transformación que el mundo entero ha experimentado a lo largo de los últimos treinta años; desde la popularización de la computadora personal, y más intensamente los últimos veinte desde el nacimiento de la Internet. Un proceso que, como toda difusión viral, se desata a partir del pensamiento y las ideas de "mentes pioneras" que, sea por capacidad visionaria o como resultado de una aguda sensibilidad intuitiva, reconocen, adoptan, demuestran y promueven las oportunidades de desarrollo asociadas al nuevo vector tecnológico y a los cambios de pensamiento y actitud que ellas exigen. ; O mundo inteiro vive momentos de mudança radical. Há várias décadas se produzem mudanças económicas, políticas e sociais derivadas da instalação e a implantação de novas tecnologias microeletrônicas, especialmente as tecnologias da informação e as telecomunicações. A pesquisadora venezuelana Carlota Pérez, no seu libro, globalmente reconhecido "Revoluciones Tecnológicas y Capital Financiero: Dinámica de las Burbujas y las Edades Doradas", (Edward Elgar, 2002), demonstra como fato histórico que a humanidade se tem desenvolvido em ciclos de ao redor de meio século a partir do surgimento de novos vetores tecnológicos. Segundo Pérez, são cinco as revoluções tecnológicas, reconhecidas desde a "Revolução Industrial", responsáveis da transformação e o desenvolvimento da economia mundial ao longo dos últimos 240 anos. Carlota Pérez afirma igualmente que, em cada uma delas, as novas tecnologias impulsaram uma mudança radical das estratégias organizacionais, as práticas gerenciais e as condutas laborais e sociais necessárias para aproveitar com êxito as novas oportunidades que cada una delas oferecia. Mudanças de uma profundidade tal que, em cada ocasião, conduziam a uma transformação total no comportamento das pessoas envolvidas, não somente em seus empregos, senão também em todos os âmbitos de seu quefazer social, comunitário e até pessoal. Uma mudança de uma transcendência tal que Pérez conclui denominando o novo paradigma técnico-económico, como uma mudança no "sentido comum". Este preâmbulo é importante para pôr em perspectiva o momento atual de trânsito ao longo da Revolução da Informação e as Telecomunicações. Um processo de transformação que o mundo inteiro tem experimentado ao longo dos últimos trinta anos; desde a popularização do computador pessoal, e mais intensamente nos últimos vinte anos, desde o nascimento da Internet. Um processo que, como toda difusão viral, se desata a partir do pensamento e as ideias de "mentes pioneiras" que, seja por capacidade visionaria o como resultado de uma aguda sensibilidade intuitiva, reconhecem, adotam, demonstram e promovem as oportunidades de desenvolvimento associadas ao novo vetor tecnológico e às mudanças de pensamento e atitude que elas exigem.
The multiple views that fly over possible approaches to the triggering theme of this edition, "De / Colonization, Ibero-America and the awakening of the periphery", reveal the complexity of our ways of being as participants in human history in the Ibero-American diaspora. With the intention of purifying the focus of this provocation, including by Latin Americans the community of the heirs of the colonizing expansion of the Portuguese and the Spanish in the Americas and in the world. Meanwhile, what are we really talking about? What does it mean to be Ibero-American? On what basis is the Ibero-American identity based? I think it best to start speaking from the proper place and the way in which colonization is rooted and in what ways de-colonization is carried out in the peripheries. In order not to fall into generalities regarding the approach to the subject, it is necessary to select and choose proper and appropriate anthropo-social phenomena, seeking to understand how de / colonization is carried out in peripheral territories in relation to a certain central colonizing power. So what are the political alternatives of peripheral groups in relation to de / colonization? We are facing a tension of great power because he talks about the political-economic situation of human beings who are marginalized from the successful society of Integrated World Capitalism (WCC), in the words of Félix Guattari. This also means trying to understand what colonialism is spoken of in the process of de / colonization - deconstruction of the colony state on the material and ideological / spiritual plane - in peripheral territories. ; La múltiples miradas que sobrevuelan posibles abordajes del tema disparador de la presente edición, "Des/Colonización, Iberoamérica y el despertar de la periferia", revelan la complejidad de nuestros modos de ser como participantes de la historia humana en la diáspora iberoamericana. Con la intención de depurar el foco de esta provocación, comprendiendo por iberoamericanos a la comunidad de los hablantes herederos de la expansión colonizadora de los portugueses y de los españoles en las Américas y en el mundo. Entre tanto ¿De qué estamos hablando realmente? ¿Qué significa ser iberoamericano? ¿En qué base se asienta la identidad iberoamericana? Creo mejor partir hablando desde el lugar propio y de la manera en que la colonización se encuentra arraigada y de qué formas se realizan las des/colonizaciones en las periferias. Para no caer en generalidades en cuanto al abordaje del tema es necesario seleccionar y elegir fenómenos antropo-sociales propios y apropiados, buscando comprender como la des/colonización se realiza en territorios periféricos en relación a cierto poder colonizador central. Entonces, ¿cuáles son las alternativas políticas de grupos periféricos en relación con la des/colonización? Estamos frente a una tensión de gran potencia porque habla a respecto de la situación político-económica de seres humanos que se encuentran marginados de la sociedad exitosa del Capitalismo Mundial Integrado (CMI), según palabras de Félix Guattari. Esto significa también intentar comprender de cual colonialismo se habla en el proceso de des/colonización – desconstrucción del estado de colonia en el plano material e ideológico/espiritual – en territorios periféricos. ; Os múltiplos olhares de sobrevôo possíveis na abordagem do tema motivador da presente edição, "Des/Colonização, Iberoamérica e o despertar da periferia", revelam a complexidade de nossos modos de ser como participantes da história humana na diáspora iberoamericana. Com o intuito de apurar o foco desta provocação, compreendendo por iberoamericanos a comunidade dos falantes herdeiros da expansão colonizadora dos portugueses e dos espanhóis nas Américas e no mundo. Entretanto, do que mesmo estamos falando? O que significa ser iberoamericano? Em que base se assenta a identidade iberoamericana? Melhor falar a partir do lugar próprio e de como a colonização se encontra enraizada e de que formas se realizam des/colonizações nas periferias. E para sair da generalidade na abordagem do tema é preciso selecionar e escolher fenômenos antropossociais próprios e apropriados, buscando compreender como a des/colonização se realiza em territórios periféricos em relação a certo poder colonizador central. Ora, quais são as alternativas políticas de grupos periféricos em relação à des/colonização? Estamos diante de uma tensão de grande potência porque diz respeito à situação político-econômica de seres humanos que se encontram à margem da sociedade exitosa do Capitalismo Mundial Integrado (CMI), nas palavras de Félix Guattari. Isto significa também procurar compreender de qual colonialismo se fala no processo de des/colonização – desconstrução do estado de colônia nos planos material e ideológico/espiritual – em territórios periféricos. ; Os múltiplos olhares de sobrevôo possíveis na abordagem do tema motivador da presente edição, "Des/Colonização, Iberoamérica e o despertar da periferia", revelam a complexidade de nossos modos de ser como participantes da história humana na diáspora iberoamericana. Com o intuito de apurar o foco desta provocação, compreendendo por iberoamericanos a comunidade dos falantes herdeiros da expansão colonizadora dos portugueses e dos espanhóis nas Américas e no mundo. Entretanto, do que mesmo estamos falando? O que significa ser iberoamericano? Em que base se assenta a identidade iberoamericana? Melhor falar a partir do lugar próprio e de como a colonização se encontra enraizada e de que formas se realizam des/colonizações nas periferias. E para sair da generalidade na abordagem do tema é preciso selecionar e escolher fenômenos antropossociais próprios e apropriados, buscando compreender como a des/colonização se realiza em territórios periféricos em relação a certo poder colonizador central. Ora, quais são as alternativas políticas de grupos periféricos em relação à des/colonização? Estamos diante de uma tensão de grande potência porque diz respeito à situação político-econômica de seres humanos que se encontram à margem da sociedade exitosa do Capitalismo Mundial Integrado (CMI), nas palavras de Félix Guattari. Isto significa também procurar compreender de qual colonialismo se fala no processo de des/colonização – desconstrução do estado de colônia nos planos material e ideológico/espiritual – em territórios periféricos.
Tese de doutoramento em Democracia no séc. XXI, apresentada à Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra ; Nas últimas décadas, houve um crescimento exponencial das iniciativas focadas na democracia participativa e deliberativa ao redor do mundo, com um predomínio de experiências locais. No entanto, ao longo do tempo, ficou claro que as experiências em pequena escala apresentam limitações em consubstanciar os novos ideais democráticos. Como tentativas de superar tais limites, é percebido o surgimento de processos supralocais, em contextos regionais e nacionais. Este salto de escala muitas vezes é promovido por instituições estatais e é acompanhado por uma tendência de institucionalização da participação. O objetivo central desta investigação foi analisar as potencialidades e limitações das formas participativas institucionalizadas em nível supralocal enquanto elemento capaz de democratizar a democracia. Para tanto, a investigação teve como objetos de estudo duas políticas públicas institucionalizadas em nível regional, uma no continente europeu e outra na América Latina. O caso do norte global refere-se à Política Toscana de Participação Social, na Itália. Já o caso do sul global trata das formas de participação no âmbito do orçamento do Rio Grande do Sul, no Brasil, as quais incorporam as iniciativas da Consulta Popular e do Sistema Estadual de Participação Popular e Cidadã. Em cerca de dois anos de pesquisa de caráter qualitativo, foram realizados trabalhos de campo que acompanharam a implementação dessas experiências e contaram com a realização de 47 entrevistas semiestruturadas. Os resultados da investigação podem ser divididos em duas categorias, uma com implicações teóricas e outra direcionada às peculiaridades dos processos empíricos. Do ponto de vista teórico, a investigação mostra como as vertentes "puras" da democracia participativa e da democracia deliberativa são inadequadas para compreender e analisar processos institucionalizados supralocais. Nenhuma das duas correntes conseguiu questionar de forma satisfatória os limites de escala definidos por autores que sustentam teoricamente o modelo representativo hegemônico. No que diz respeito à institucionalização, as vertentes puras foram erigidas a partir de uma concepção que trata o Estado e a sociedade civil como categorias distintas, com objetivos e lógicas próprias de funcionamento. No entanto, os processos institucionalizados têm levado ao questionamento das fronteiras entre tais polos e enfatizado a interpenetração entre formas estatais e não-estatais. Para dar conta de refletir sobre casos institucionalizados em larga escala, enfatiza-se o giro teórico identificado no início do século XXI e que trabalha a partir de perspectivas híbridas, que revitaliza conceitos criticados pelas abordagens puras e mescla elementos de ambas as vertentes. Dessa forma, enfatiza-se as abordagens híbridas dos sistemas deliberativos e dos públicos participativos. A primeira surge no norte global, e trabalha a ideia de deliberação possível em contraposição ao ideal deliberativo, retomando a aspiração de transformação ampla do sistema político. A perspectiva sistêmica transita da microescala para a macroescala, onde a ênfase recai na articulação entre instituições e na divisão do trabalho deliberativo. A segunda vertente híbrida abordada tem origem no sul global e percebe o Estado e a sociedade civil como entes não monolíticos, questionando as fronteiras fixas entre ambos. Tal vertente tende a perceber a institucionalização da participação como algo não pernicioso, ao mesmo tempo em que enfatiza objetivos como inclusão política e justiça social. Do ponto de vista empírico, esta investigação mostra que os casos do Rio Grande do Sul e da Toscana representam dois modelos distintos de promover o salto de escala. Nos casos estudados, o aumento de escala foi insuficiente para garantir uma maior influência das formas participativas e deliberativas na transformação ampla do sistema político. No que diz respeito à institucionalização, foi identificado que a formalização por meio de leis contribuiu para a perenidade das políticas, ampliando a resiliência às mudanças de governo. No entanto, a institucionalização formal não garantiu, por si só, a manutenção das iniciativas. Coalizões de defesa foram fundamentais para mobilizar politicamente as leis para que essas garantissem o sustento das experiências. Por fim, foi notado que perenidade e resiliência não significam influência no núcleo central de governo. Em Estados fragmentados e marcados por disputa entre projetos políticos, as iniciativas toscana e gaúcha foram institucionalizadas às margens do sistema político. Assim, apesar de institucionalizadas e relativamente perenes, as iniciativas supralocais estudadas estiveram longe de promover a participação como método de governo, sendo inaptas a estender o ímpeto democratizante para outras arenas no interior do aparato estatal. In the last decades, there has been an exponential growth of initiatives focused on participatory and deliberative democracy around the world, with a predominance of local experiences. However, over time, it has become clear that small-scale experiences have limitations in bringing forth the new democratic ideals. As attempts to overcome such limits, supralocal processes have emerged both in regional and national levels. The scaling-up is often promoted by state institutions and is accompanied by a trend toward the institutionalization of participation processes. This research aims at analysing the potentials and limits of the scaling-up and institutionalization of participatory and deliberative democracy as a tool for democratizing democracy. To this end, this dissertation focuses on the implementation of two public policies at the regional level, one in Europe and the other in Latin America. The global north case is the Tuscan Participation Policy, in Italy. The global south case deals with the social participation in the Rio Grande do Sul state budget, in Brazil, which incorporate the initiatives of the Popular Consultation and the System of Popular and Citizen Participation. I carried out two years of qualitative research and fieldwork on the implementation of these policies, involving 47 semi-structured interviews. The results can be divided in two dimensions, one with theoretical implications and the other related to the empirical processes. From a theoretical point of view, the research shows how the "pure" participatory and deliberative democracy theories are inadequate to analyse the supralocal institutionalized processes. Neither of the two approaches addresses satisfactorily the limits of scale defined by authors who theoretically support the representative hegemonic model. Referring to institutionalization, the "pure" approaches were built on a conception that treats the State and the Civil Society as independent categories, each one with its own objectives and working logics. However, institutionalized processes put into question these boundaries between State and the Civil Society. In order to better analyse the large-scale institutionalized cases, it is necessary to work with hybrid perspectives, which revitalizes concepts criticized by the "pure" participatory and deliberative approaches, merging elements of both lines. In this way, the hybrid approaches of the Deliberative Systems and of the Participatory Publics are emphasized. The first emerges in the global north and works with the idea of "good enough" deliberation and not with the deliberative ideals, revitalizing the aspiration for a broad transformation of the political system. The systemic perspective moves from the microscale to the macro-scale, where the emphasis is on the articulation between institutions and in the deliberative division of labour. The Participatory Publics perspective has its origins in the global south and perceives the state and civil society as non-monolithic entities, questioning the fixed boundaries between these categories. The Participatory Publics approach perceives the institutionalization of participation in a non-negative way, emphasizing goals such as political inclusion and social justice. From an empirical point of view, this research shows that the cases of Rio Grande do Sul and Tuscany represent two different models of promoting the scaling-up of participation and deliberation. In these cases, the increase of scale was insufficient to promote a broad transformation in the political system. In respect to institutionalization, it was identified that the formalization through laws increases the resilience to government changes, contributing to the maintenance of the policies. However, the institutionalization is necessary but not sufficient. Defense Coalitions were fundamental in politically mobilizing the laws to ensure the policies' survival. Finally, it was noted that resilience does not mean influence in the heart of government and in the agenda setting processes. In fragmented states marked by a dispute between political projects, the Tuscan and Rio Grande do Sul initiatives were institutionalized on the margins of the political system. Despite being institutionalized and relatively resilient, the supralocal initiatives studied have not promoted participation as a method of government, and are incapable of extending the democratizing impetus to other arenas within the state apparatus. ; In the last decades, there has been an exponential growth of initiatives focused on participatory and deliberative democracy around the world, with a predominance of local experiences. However, over time, it has become clear that small-scale experiences have limitations in bringing forth the new democratic ideals. As attempts to overcome such limits, supralocal processes have emerged both in regional and national levels. The scaling-up is often promoted by state institutions and is accompanied by a trend toward the institutionalization of participation processes. This research aims at analysing the potentials and limits of the scaling-up and institutionalization of participatory and deliberative democracy as a tool for democratizing democracy. To this end, this dissertation focuses on the implementation of two public policies at the regional level, one in Europe and the other in Latin America. The global north case is the Tuscan Participation Policy, in Italy. The global south case deals with the social participation in the Rio Grande do Sul state budget, in Brazil, which incorporate the initiatives of the Popular Consultation and the System of Popular and Citizen Participation. I carried out two years of qualitative research and fieldwork on the implementation of these policies, involving 47 semi-structured interviews. The results can be divided in two dimensions, one with theoretical implications and the other related to the empirical processes. From a theoretical point of view, the research shows how the "pure" participatory and deliberative democracy theories are inadequate to analyse the supralocal institutionalized processes. Neither of the two approaches addresses satisfactorily the limits of scale defined by authors who theoretically support the representative hegemonic model. Referring to institutionalization, the "pure" approaches were built on a conception that treats the State and the Civil Society as independent categories, each one with its own objectives and working logics. However, institutionalized processes put into question these boundaries between State and the Civil Society. In order to better analyse the large-scale institutionalized cases, it is necessary to work with hybrid perspectives, which revitalizes concepts criticized by the "pure" participatory and deliberative approaches, merging elements of both lines. In this way, the hybrid approaches of the Deliberative Systems and of the Participatory Publics are emphasized. The first emerges in the global north and works with the idea of "good enough" deliberation and not with the deliberative ideals, revitalizing the aspiration for a broad transformation of the political system. The systemic perspective moves from the microscale to the macro-scale, where the emphasis is on the articulation between institutions and in the deliberative division of labour. The Participatory Publics perspective has its origins in the global south and perceives the state and civil society as nonmonolithic entities, questioning the fixed boundaries between these categories. The Participatory Publics approach perceives the institutionalization of participation in a nonnegative way, emphasizing goals such as political inclusion and social justice. From an empirical point of view, this research shows that the cases of Rio Grande do Sul and Tuscany represent two different models of promoting the scaling-up of participation and deliberation. In these cases, the increase of scale was insufficient to promote a broad transformation in the political system. In respect to institutionalization, it was identified that the formalization through laws increases the resilience to government changes, contributing to the maintenance of the policies. However, the institutionalization is necessary but not sufficient. Defense Coalitions were fundamental in politically mobilizing the laws to ensure the policies' survival. Finally, it was noted that resilience does not mean influence in the heart of government and in the agenda setting processes. In fragmented states marked by a dispute between political projects, the Tuscan and Rio Grande do Sul initiatives were institutionalized on the margins of the political system. Despite being institutionalized and relatively resilient, the supralocal initiatives studied have not promoted participation as a method of government, and are incapable of extending the democratizing impetus to other arenas within the state apparatus. ; CNPq, Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico – Brasil (ref. 211410/2013-6)
La presente investigación es acerca de la política indigenista de salud en el departamento de Amazonas (Brasil) y tiene como objeto de estudio el Conselho Distrital de Saúde Indígena (Condisi) en el marco de la Secretaria Especial de Saúde Indígena de Manaus (Sesai). El propósito es analizar cómo la participación indígena ha sido incorporada a las políticas locales de salud desde el papel de los liderazgos indígenas en la construcción de los Distritos Sanitários Especiais Indígenas (dsei). El objetivo central de la investigación es la participación indígena en la política de salud indigenista de Manaus. Como presupuesto principal está que el movimiento indígena ha incorporado estrategias de la sociedad nacional para reclamar derechos referidos a su autodeterminación con logros efectivos en el contexto de las políticas indigenistas. La metodología adoptada abarcó investigación bibliográfica, documental y de campo, con la utilización de la observación y de la entrevista semi-estructurada, realizada entre el 2011 y el 2013. Se realizaron entrevistas con seis líderes indígenas del Condisi luego de la lectura y firma del término de consentimiento libre y esclarecido. La técnica de análisis de contenido permitió inferir conocimientos acerca de los mensajes y de las condiciones en que estos se producen y reproducen, los aspectos velados, no expresados en las declaraciones, pero presentes en las entrelíneas, en las formas de expresarse de los entrevistados. Entre los resultados del análisis de datos, se encontró que la participación en cuanto categoría analítica y, al tiempo, categoría empírica, fue objeto central de la investigación. Así, fue necesario reconstruir el trayecto que la participación recurrió en la historia de la construcción democrática brasileña. Sin embargo, a pesar de los aspectos comunes que están en la participación en las políticas públicas, el trabajo permite concluir que la participación bajo la visión indígena está lejos de las inspiraciones de esta población y de la fundamentación que caracteriza la lucha del movimiento indígena en el país, que es la autodeterminación, es decir, definir la política y ejecutarla de acuerdo con las necesidades y especificidades de los pueblos indígenas. Se concluye que incorporar las reivindicaciones indígenas a las innovaciones y cambios operados en las políticas de salud no ha significado mejoras en la atención y cambios efectivos en el cotidiano de esta población. ; This research project focuses on indigenist health policies in the Amazonas department (Brazil) and its object of study is the Conselho Distrital de Saúde Indígena (Condisi), in the framework of the Secretaria Especial de Saúde Indígena de Manaus (Sesai). The objective of the study is to analyze how the participation of indigenous populations has been incorporated into local health policies, through the presence of indigenous leaders in the construction of the Distritos Sanitários Especiais Indígenas (dsei). The central objective of the research is to examine indigenous participation in the indigenist health policy of Manaus. Its main assumption is that the indigenous movement has adopted the strategies of national society in order to claim rights pertaining to their self-determination, with effective achievements in the context of indigenist policies. The methodology included bibliographic, documentary, and field research, using observation and semi-structured interviews carried out between 2011 and 2013. Six indigenous leaders from Condisi were interviewed after they read and signed the free and informed consent form. The content analysis technique made it possible to make inferences regarding the messages and the conditions in which they are produced and reproduced, the veiled aspects that were not explicit in their statements, but that could be read between the lines and in the way the interviewees expressed themselves. Data analysis results showed that participation, as both an analytical and empirical category, was the central object of the research. This made it necessary to reconstruct the path followed by participation in the history of Brazilian democratic construction. However, despite the common aspects found in the participation in public policies, the research leads us to conclude that according to the indigenous view, said participation is far from the aspirations of that population and from the reasons for the struggle of the indigenous movement in the country, which is self-determination, that is, defining and implementing policies according to the needs and specificities of the indigenous peoples. The conclusion is that including indigenous claims to the innovations and changes in health policies has not improved healthcare or achieved effective changes in the daily lives of that population. ; A pesquisa trata da política indigenista de saúde no estado do Amazonas e tem, como lócus de estudo, o Conselho Distrital de Saúde Indígena (Condisi) no âmbito da Secretaria Especial de Saúde Indígena de Manaus (Sesai). O objetivo é analisar como a participação indígena vem sendo incorporada nas políticas locais de saúde a partir do papel das lideranças indígenas na construção da política dos Distritos Sanitários Especiais Indígenas (dsei). O objeto central da pesquisa é a participação indígena na política de saúde indigenista de Manaus. Como principal pressuposto tem-se que o movimento indígena tem incorporado estratégias da sociedade nacional para reivindicar direitos referidos à sua autodeterminação com conquistas efetivas no contexto das políticas indigenistas. A metodologia adotada englobou pesquisa bibliográfica, pesquisa documental e de campo com a utilização da observação e da entrevista semiestruturada realizada entre os anos de 2011 e 2013. Foram realizadas entrevistas com seis lideranças indígenas do Condisi após a leitura e a assinatura do termo de consentimento livre e esclarecido. A técnica de análise de conteúdo permitiu inferir conhecimentos relacionados às mensagens e às condições em que elas são produzidas e reproduzidas, os aspectos velados, não expressos nas falas, mas presentes nas entrelinhas, nas formas de se expressar dos entrevistados. Dentre os resultados da análise de dados, constata-se que a participação enquanto categoria analítica e ao mesmo tempo categoria empírica foi objeto central da pesquisa. Dessa forma, foi necessário refazer o trajeto que a participação trilhou na história da construção democrática brasileira. Todavia, apesar dos aspectos comuns que estão no debate sobre a participação nas políticas públicas, o trabalho permite concluir que a participação sob a lente indígena está aquém das inspirações dessa população e do cerne que vem caracterizando a luta do movimento indígena no país, que é a autodeterminação, ou seja, definir a política e executá-la de acordo com as necessidades e as especificidades dos povos indígenas. Conclui-se que incorporar as reivindicações indígenas às inovações e às mudanças operadas nas políticas de saúde não tem significado melhorias no atendimento e mudanças efetivas no cotidiano dessa população.
L'ouvrage analyse des lettres inédites qui communiquent des intérêts, des sentiments et des expériences établis à travers la relation de l'architecte José Sidrim (1881-1969) avec des personnalités nobles de la ville de Belém qui l'ont engagé pour concevoir et construire leurs maisons. Il retranscrit également, de manière inédite, les rapports importants pour la recherche historiographique de l'architecture et aussi dans le cadre de l'histoire sociale de l'art, en trois exemplaires: lettre de Guilherme Paiva (1926), Orlando Lima (1926) et Benedicto Passarinho (1927), écrit et envoyé à Sidrim à la fin des travaux. Par la compréhension de la culture écrite et des pratiques de correspondance de l'époque, ce travail vise à collecter et analyser des informations liées à l'exercice de l'architecture, compte tenu de sa portée sociale, des caractéristiques du métier d'architecte en son temps et de la construction d'une mémoire affective entre les maison propriétaire, architecte et immeuble. Il examine comment les rapports de ces lettres racontent les expériences et les rituels de la manière de faire de l'architecture à une époque d'innovation artistique et politique, reflet direct du panorama économique que la ville vivait à l'époque. Les lettres se révèlent être des rapports de la dimension des impacts que l'œuvre architecturale peut provoquer dans la mémoire et dans l'imaginaire social, tels que des déclarations, des épîtres affectives, en plus des produits sociaux. Par conséquent, à partir de la manipulation des concepts par Roland Barthes et Gilles Deleuze, la reconstruction idéologique et imaginaire d'un fragment du caractère nostalgique, moderne, idyllique de sa narration visuelle et de sa mémoire affective est visée, basée sur une telle graphie des affections. ; Este trabalho analisa cartas inéditas que comunicam interesses, sentimentos e experiências estabelecidas através do relacionamento do arquiteto José Sidrim (1881-1969) com nobres personalidades da cidade de Belém que o contrataram para projetar e construir suas residências. Transcreve, também ineditamente, os relatos importantes para a pesquisa historiográfica da arquitetura e da história social da arte formado por três exemplares: carta de Guilherme Paiva (1926), de Orlando Lima (1926) e de Benedicto Passarinho (1927), escritas e enviadas a Sidrim ao término das obras. Através da compreensão da cultura escrita e das práticas de correspondências da época, este trabalho objetiva coletar e analisar informações relativas ao exercício da arquitetura, considerando seu âmbito social, as características do ofício de arquiteto em sua época e a construção de uma memória afetiva entre o proprietário da casa, o arquiteto e a edificação. Investiga-se como os relatos destas cartas narram as vivências e rituais do modo de fazer arquitetura em um momento de inovação artística e política, reflexo direto do panorama econômico pelo qual a cidade então passava. As cartas provam-se relatos da dimensão dos impactos que a obra arquitetônica pode causar na memória e no imaginário social como declarações, epístolas afetivas, além de como produtos sociais. Consequentemente, a partir do manejo de conceitos de Roland Barthes e Gilles Deleuze, objetiva-se a reconstituição ideológica e imagética de um fragmento tanto da Belém nostálgica, moderna, de caráter idílico como de sua narrativa visual e de sua memória afetiva a partir de tal grafia dos afetos. ; This paper analyzes unpublished letters that communicate interests, feelings, and experiences arising from the relationship of architect José Sidrim (1881-1969) with notable characters from Belém, who hired him to design and build their residencies. In a pioneering way, the paper also transcribes important narratives for the social history of art and architectural historiography through three examples, including letters written by Guilherme Paiva (1926), Orlando Lima (1926) and Benedicto Passarinho (1927) and sent to Sidrim at the completion of the works. Based on the written culture and correspondence habits of the time, this paper aims to collect and analyze information related to the architectural practice, considering its social field, the profile of the architect, and the construction of an affective memory between the house owner, the architect, and the building itself. For this purpose, it investigates how these letters report experiences and rituals of the architectural practice in a period of artistic and political innovation, reflecting the economic panorama experienced by the city of Belém during this period. Beyond mere social products, the letters, as declarations, effective epistles, report the powerful impact of an architectural work in social memory and imaginary. From this writing of affects, this work aims to rebuild the image and ideology of a fragment of the nostalgic, modern, and idyllic Belém, as well as of its visual narrative and affective memory, based on the philosophical concepts postulated by Roland Barthes and Gilles Deleuze. ; La obra analiza cartas inéditas que comunican intereses, sentimientos y vivencias que se establecen a través de la relación del arquitecto José Sidrim (1881-1969) con nobles personalidades de la ciudad de Belém que lo contrataron para diseñar y construir sus viviendas. También transcribe, de manera inédita, los informes importantes para la investigación historiográfica de la arquitectura y también en el ámbito de la historia social del arte, formando tres copias: carta de Guilherme Paiva (1926), Orlando Lima (1926) y Benedicto Passarinho (1927), escrito y enviado a Sidrim al final de las obras. A través de la comprensión de la cultura escrita y las prácticas de correspondencia de la época, este trabajo tiene como objetivo recopilar y analizar información relacionada con el ejercicio de la arquitectura, considerando su alcance social, las características de la profesión de arquitecto en su época y la construcción de una memoria afectiva entre el propietario de vivienda, arquitecto y constructor. Se investiga cómo los relatos en estas cartas narran las vivencias y rituales de la forma de hacer arquitectura en un momento de innovación artística y política, reflejo directo del panorama económico que vivía la ciudad en ese momento. Las cartas resultan ser relatos de la dimensión de los impactos que la obra arquitectónica puede causar en la memoria y en el imaginario social, tales como declaraciones, epístolas afectivas, además de productos sociales. En consecuencia, a partir del manejo de conceptos de Roland Barthes y Gilles Deleuze, se apunta a la reconstrucción ideológica e imaginaria de un fragmento del carácter nostálgico, moderno, idílico de su narrativa visual y memoria afectiva, a partir de dicha grafía de los afectos.
Tom Cyberbezpieczeństwo wyzwaniem XXI wieku jest opracowaniem, które wpisuje się w kontekst rozważań poświęconych wielorakim aspektom bezpieczeństwa w cyberprzestrzeni. Autorzy, którzy zostali zaproszeni do realizacji tego projektu, prezentują różne spojrzenia na tę problematykę. Pomysłodawcą pierwszego rozdziału – Główni aktorzy cyberprzestrzeni i ich działalność jest Tomasz Hoffman. Autor, piszący z perspektywy prawno-politologicznej, posiłkujący się dorobkiem nauk o bezpieczeństwie, koncentruje się na ukazaniu potencjalnych aktorów cyberprzestrzeni, ich działalności, a w tym również zachowań niezgodnych z prawem. Cyberbezpieczeństwo, zdaniem Hoffmana, jest nową dziedziną bezpieczeństwa narodowego, z którą nieodłącznie wiążą się takie wyzwania, jak cyberprzestępczość oraz cyberterroryzm. Drugi rozdział – Cyberbezpieczeństwo jako wyzwanie dla współczesnego państwa i społeczeństwa – wyszedł spod pióra Marka Górki. Badacz dokonał przeglądu aktualnego stanu bezpieczeństwa cybernetycznego w kontekście rozprzestrzeniania się zagrożeń pochodzących z cyberprzestrzeni, tworzonych przez organizacje państwowe oraz niepaństwowe. Górka stoi na stanowisku, że cyberprzestrzeń stała się podstawową cechą świata i stworzyła nową rzeczywistość dla prawie wszystkich krajów, co sprawia, że problemy z cyberprzestępczością oraz cyberbezpieczeństwem mają istotne, globalne znaczenie zarówno w wymiarze politycznym, jak i gospodarczym. Z przemyśleniami Górki koresponduje tekst Bogusława Węglińskiego – Cyberterroryści w cyfrowych czasach – profesjonalizacja i digitalizacja współczesnych organizacji terrorystycznych. Autor poddał analizie ewoluujące wraz z rozwojem technologii instrumentarium wykorzystywane przez grupy terrorystyczne, zwracając uwagę na Internet, który otworzył przed nimi nowe możliwości oddziaływania, a w tym także w sferze kreowania przekazu medialnego. W tekście zawarte są również dociekania dotyczące możliwości użycia przez terrorystów dronów. Nadmieńmy, że także czwarty rozdział Ataki cyberfizyczne a system bezpieczeństwa narodowego, którego autorem jest Bogusław Olszewski, wpisuje się w nurt wcześniejszych dociekań. W tej części tomu poruszone zostały sprawy związane z niepożądanym oddziaływaniem systemów cyberfizycznych na bezpieczeństwo otoczenia międzynarodowego. Zdaniem Olszewskiego, ich hybrydowy (cyfrowo-materialny) charakter sprawia, że wpływają nie tylko na logiczną warstwę cyberprzestrzeni, ale także na dziedzinę fizyczną. Umożliwiają m.in. destabilizację porządku wewnętrznego państwa, co w konsekwencji może prowadzić do destrukcyjnych zmian w szerszym, międzynarodowym kontekście. Stanowią zatem wielowymiarowe zagrożenie dla szeroko pojętego systemu bezpieczeństwa globalnego W rozdziale piątym, Marcin Adamczyk przedłożył tekst Cyberszpiegostwo w relacjach chińsko-amerykańskich w kontekście potencjalnej zmiany światowego hegemona. Opracowanie poświęcone jest działaniom Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej w cyberprzestrzeni, ukierunkowanych na nielegalne pozyskanie amerykańskich technologii wojskowych i cywilnych. Zdaniem autora, Państwo Środka jest aktualnie jedynym krajem, który obecnie mógłby rzucić wyzwanie dominacji Stanów Zjednoczonych. Dążenie do uzyskania statusu państwa hegemonicznego wymaga zatem od Pekinu zbudowania odpowiedniej koalicji wspierającej Chiny na arenie międzynarodowej, ale również zmniejszenia dystansu ekonomicznego, jaki dzieli to państwo od Waszyngtonu. Autorem kolejnego rozdziału jest Kamil Baraniuk, którzy przygotował tekst Zarys przemian instytucjonalnych rosyjskiego wywiadu radioelektronicznego. Baraniuk podkreśla, że współczesny wysoki stopień zinformatyzowania społeczeństw i powszechności korzystania z technologii informatycznych sprawia, iż dane o charakterze sygnałowym i elektromagnetycznym stanowią bardzo istotne źródło informacji dla wyspecjalizowanych instytucji, zajmujących się ich gromadzeniem oraz przetwarzaniem. W tym kontekście zarysowuje genezę i przekształcenia instytucjonalne wywiadu radioelektronicznego Federacji Rosyjskiej, a co za tym idzie wojskowe i cywilne instytucje zajmujące się tego rodzaju działalnością na przestrzeni ostatnich kilkudziesięciu lat, przy uwzględnieniu ich zadań, a także zmian personalnych w ich kierownictwie. Rozdział siódmy napisany został przez dwie autorki z Ukrainy. Tetiana W. Nagachevskaya i Lyudmila Frliksowa przygotowały rozważania zatytułowane Napriamky formuwannia miżnarodnoji konkurentospromożnosti IT-sektoru Ukrajiny. Zawierają one analizę stanu i osobliwości kształtowania się międzynarodowej konkurencyjności sektora IT na Ukrainie. Nagachevskaya i Frliksowa zaprezentowały pozycję ukraińskiego sektora IT rozpatrywaną w kontekście Networked Readiness Index, który mierzy skłonność do wykorzystywania przez kraje możliwości oferowanych przez technologie informacyjno-komunikacyjne. Ponadto, ukazały przewagę konkurencyjną i wady ukraińskich firm IT na rynkach międzynarodowych oraz kierunki wzrostu międzynarodowej konkurencyjności sektora informatycznego Ukrainy. Kolejne dwa rozdziały dotykają problematyki religijnej w cyberprzestrzeni. Autorem dociekań – Religijne i parareligijne grupy destrukcyjne: wyzwania cyberprzestrzeni – jest Wojciech Gajewski, który zwraca uwagę na sprawę penetrowania wirtualnej przestrzeni przez destrukcyjne grupy religijne. Jego zdaniem, stanowią one wzrastające zagrożenie nie tylko dla jej indywidualnych użytkowników, ale także zbiorowości społecznych. Religioznawca jest zwolennikiem podejmowania szeroko zakrojonych działań badawczych, edukacyjnych, a także prawnych, które wpłyną na ograniczenie negatywnych następstw ich aktywności w cyberprzestrzeni. Z kolei, Lucjan Klimsza przedłożył tekst Filozoficzne aspekty działania Internetu w kontekście zadań misyjnych Kościoła. Autor, który jest duchownym ewangelickim, zwraca uwagę na możliwości, jakie otwiera przed współczesnym chrześcijaństwem dostęp do przestrzeni cyfrowej. Klimsza wyraźnie zaznacza, że obecny Kościół musi być wspólnotą multimedialną, jednakże nie wirtualną, która jest oddalona od człowieka i jego realnej egzystencji. Autor, Internet postrzega zatem jako metamedium umożliwiające przekazywanie treści religijnych, które może być pomocne m.in. w spotkaniu i relacjach człowieka z człowiekiem oraz Boga z człowiekiem. Dziesiąty rozdziały Cyberbezpieczeństwo jako konstrukt w polskiej przestrzeni publicznej, będący rozważaniami o nachyleniu politologicznym, napisał Przemysław Mikiewicz. Tekst jest refleksją nad obecnością kategorii cyberbezpieczeństwa w polskiej przestrzeni publicznej, którą autor zawęził do opiniotwórczego oddziaływania centralnych instytucji państwowych oraz partii politycznych. Autor wskazuje, że pojęcie cyberbezpieczeństwa jest obecne w polskiej przestrzeni publicznej w różnym stopniu w dokumentach rządowych i w programach partii politycznych. Zdaniem Mikiewicza, występuje zasadnicza asymetria pomiędzy oboma typami dokumentów: dokumenty urzędowe poświęcają uwagę cyberbezpieczeństwu w znacznym stopniu, podczas gdy w dokumentach partyjnych kwestia ta jest jedynie wzmiankowana. Tak więc, cyberbezpieczeństwo jawi się jako rodzaj konstruktu, za pomocą którego kreowany jest obraz świata pełnego nienamacalnych niebezpieczeństw, do zwalczania których nieodzowne wydaje się publikowanie dokumentów pod postacią kolejnych doktryn i strategii walki z zagrożeniami w cyberprzrestrzeni. W nurt rozważań politologicznych wpisują się także dwa kolejne teksty. Autorem pierwszego jest Grzegorz Tokarz, którego dociekania zostały zatytułowane Internet jako instrument nawoływania do przemocy – przykład organizacji "Krew i Honor" Polska. Tekst przybliża działalność polskiej sekcji neonazistowskiej organizacji "Krew i Honor", a w tym zawartość jej strony internetowej, która jest istotnym narzędziem w propagowaniu idei tego środowiska, jak również źródłem informacji o osobach oraz instytucji uznawanych za zdrajców "białej rasy". Drugi tekst, który zarazem kończy niniejszy tom przygotował Mariusz Kozerski. W rozdziale Dawne afery polityczne ze współczesnej perspektywy: przykład sprawy Barschela/Pffeifera analizowana jest rola, jaką media odgrywają w nagłaśnianiu afer politycznych. Autor poddał oglądowi wydarzenia, które rozegrały się w latach 80 XX wieku, w północnoniemieckim landzie Szlezwik-Holsztyn, a w których ważną rolę odegrał opiniotwórczy tygodnik "Der Spiegel". Dodajmy, że Kozerski podejmuje się również próby odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jaki sposób afera kilońska mogłaby przebiegać współcześnie, w kontekście potencjału informacyjnego/opiniotwórczego, którym charakteryzuje się globalna sieć komputerowa. ; "Cybersecurity as the challenge of the XXI century" is a collection of considerations dedicated to various aspects of security in cyberspace. Authors, who have been invited to this project, present different views on this subject. An author of the first chapter, "The main actors of cyberspace and their activities", is Tomasz Hoffman. Writing from a legal and political perspective, including the achievements of security sciences, he tries to present potential actors of cyberspace, and their activities, including behaviors against the law. Cybersecurity, according to Hoffman, is a new element of national security and is related to challenges, such as cybercrime and cyberterrorism. The second chapter, "Cybersecurity as a challenge for modern countries and societies", has been written by Marek Górka. The researcher has reviewed the current situation of the cybersecurity in the context of the spread of dangers in cyberspace, created by government and non-government organizations. Górka states that cyberspace has become a basic feature of the world and has created a new reality for almost all countries, what caused that the problems with cybercrime and cybersecurity became significant in both, the political and the economic aspect. A text, which corresponds to the Górka's thoughts, is the text "Cyberterrorists in digital times - professionalization and digitalization of modern terrorist organizations" by Bogusław Węgliński. The author has analyzed the instruments used by terrorist groups. The instruments which have been evolving along with the development of technology. The most important of them is the Internet, which has opened new opportunities for terrorists, including digital communicating. The text also includes aspects of the usage of drones by terrorists. The fourth chapter, "Cyber-physical attacks and the national security system", by Bogusław Olszewski, is also related to the previously mentioned issues. This part of the book deals with matters of the undesirable impact of cyber-physical systems on the safety of the international environment. According to Olszewski, their hybrid (digital-material) character causes that they affect not only the logical aspect of cyberspace but also the physical one. They enable destabilization of the internal structure of countries, what can lead to destructive changes in the wider, international context. They are a multifaceted danger to the broadly understood system of the global security. In the fifth chapter, Marcin Adamczyk has presented a text titled "Cyberspying in Chinese-American relations, in the context of the potential change of the world hegemon". The study is dedicated to the activities of the People's Republic of China in cyberspace, taken to acquire American military and civil technologies. The author claims that China is currently the only country that could challenge the global domination of the United States. However, to obtain the status of the hegemonic state, Beijing would need to build a solid coalition, supporting China on the international arena, but also reduce the economic distance between Beijing and Washington. An author of the next chapter is Kamil Baraniuk, who has prepared a text titled "Outline of the institutional changes in the Russian radio-electronic intelligence". Baraniuk emphasizes that the high level of computerization of societies and the common use of information technologies makes the signal and electromagnetic data a very important source of information for specialized institutions dealing with information collection and processing. In this context the author outlines the genesis and the institutional transformation of the Russian radio-electronic intelligence, as well as the military and civil institutions dealing with this kind of activities over the last decades, analyzing their tasks and personnel changes in their management. The seventh chapter has been written by two authors from Ukraine. Tetiana W. Nagachevskaya and Lyudmila Frliksowa prepared a text "Napryamky formuvannya mizhnarodnoyi konkurentospromozhnosti IT-sector Ukrayiny". This text contains an analysis of the current situation and peculiarities in the shaping of the international competitiveness of the IT sector in Ukraine. Nagachevskaya and Frliksowa have presented the position of the Ukrainian IT sector, considered in the context of the Networked Readiness Index, which measures the tendency of different countries to use the opportunities offered by informational and communicational technology. In addition, they have shown competitive advantages and disadvantages of Ukrainian IT companies on international markets, and directions of growth of the international competitiveness of the IT sector in Ukraine. Next two chapters have been related to religious issues in cyberspace. "Religious and pseudoreligious destructive groups: the challenges of cyberspace" has been written by Wojciech Gajewski, who pays attention to the matter of penetrating of the virtual space by various destructive religious groups. In his opinion, they become increasing dangers not only for individual users of the cyberspace but also for entire social groups. The religious scholar is a supporter of extensive research, educational and even legal activities, that suppose to reduce the negative consequences of the sectarian activity in cyberspace. Next author, Lucjan Klimsza, has presented a text "Philosophical aspects of the Internet in the context of missionary tasks of the Church". Klimsza, who is a Protestant pastor, pays attention to the possibilities that the access to the digital space opens to contemporary Christianity. He clearly states that the current Church must be a multimedia, but not a virtual community, distant from a man and his real existence. The author sees the Internet as a meta-medium enabling the transmission of religious content, which may be helpful in cognition and relationship between man and God, as well as between man and man. Tenth chapter, "Cybersecurity as a construct in the Polish public space", has been written by Przemysław Mikiewicz from a political perspective. The text is a reflection of the presence of the cybersecurity in Polish public space, which has been specified by the author as the opinion-making influence of the central government institutions and political parties. The author indicates that the concept of the cybersecurity is present in the Polish public space in government documents and programs of political parties. According to Mikiewicz, there is a fundamental asymmetry between these two types: government documents pay a lot of attention to cybersecurity, programs of political parties, however, only mention about the issue. Finally, cybersecurity appears as a kind of a construct used to create an image of the modern world, full of immaterial dangers, which might be eliminated only by publication of new doctrines and strategies, created to combat dangers in cyberspace. The political aspect of the cybersecurity issue is present also in the next two texts. An author of the first one is Grzegorz Tokarz, whose section has been titled "The Internet as an instrument to incite violence - an example of Poland". The text introduces activities of the Polish section of this neo- Nazi organization, including the content of its website, which is an important tool, used to promote the ideas of this environment, as well as a source of information about people and institutions considered to be the traitors of the "white race". The second text, which also ends this book, has been prepared by Mariusz Kozerski. In this chapter, titled "Former political scandals from a modern perspective: an example of the Barschel/Pffeifer case", the analyzed issue is the role played by media to publicize political scandals. The author has reviewed incidents that took place in the 1980s, in the German land of Schleswig-Holstein. A significant role in those happenings was played by "Der Spiegel", an opinion-forming weekly magazine. Let's add that Kozerski also tries to answer the question of how that, socalled "Kiel scandal" could look like if it happened today, in the context of the contemporary informational/opinion-forming potential, which characterizes the global computer network.
The chief purpose of BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, and Voice of America in the Context of International Communication: From Propaganda to Public Diplomacy is to analyse the role radio stations fulfil for international communication nowadays in the light of the roles they served in the past (that is, the times when radio dominated). During the interwar period and right before World War II, new radio stations came to being that aimed at broadcasting content targeted at the listeners abroad. Initially, these radio stations were transmitting mostly official messages or functioning as private point-to-point communication; in both cases, they functioned similarly to telegraphs (assuming one addresser and one addressee). Along with not only the development of the transmitting and receiving devices but also the widening of our knowledge on radio waves, radio turned into a mass medium, thanks to various "freaks," including investors and other radio lovers. Having access to the network of correspondents and a powerful radio signal, radio stations back then were able to provide live coverage of the events that interested listeners all around the globe. The capacities of radio were significant during World War II as well; precisely, it ceased to serve communication purposes exclusively, and was included into military arsenal (used not only in operations and diversion actions, but also for jamming and scouting). This military conflict showed that the possibility of reaching listeners abroad – that is, the citizens of adversary, allied, and neutral states – had been of enormous importance, whereas the ability of shaping the opinions of foreign citizens had become a crucial part of contemporary warfare. The relevance of radio for international communication was indisputable also during the Cold War. Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, Voice of America, BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, Deutsche Welle, Radio Madrid, Radio Moskwa, and Radio China International were fundamentally engaged in both ideological war and public diplomacy. Simultaneously, various international processes changed the position radio occupied among other media; the "Golden Age of Radio" reached a significant decline in the 1950s, when the dominance of radio gave way to the advent of television, whereas from late 1990s on the situation of all media was revolutionised by the birth of the Internet. As a result, digitalisation, convergence, shifts in reception and use of media – not to mention other broader phenomena, including the dominance of audiovisual culture – affected not only listeners and their preferences (inclining to fragmented radio programmes), but also ratings and marketability of radio stations. Finally, since political communication has privileged the audiovisual paradigm, and domestic policy has gradually become a media issue, radio has withdrawn in this area as well, giving primacy to television and new media. Because of the aforementioned factors and shifts, it becomes vital to carefully reconsider the contemporary and international status of radio. After all, one might be tempted to think that radio is no longer in its heyday, whereas both governments and individual listeners do not deem it as a genuine informative medium or a means capable of reaching the foreign public opinion. This book, therefore, explores how Radio France Internationale, Voice of America, and BBC World Service changed diachronically in reference to other radio stations alike, points to rules they follow and formats their programmes take, and analyses their recent activity in international communication between 2014 and 2018. Chapter 1 introduces theoretical vocabulary international communication relies on, and juxtaposes its various definitions with related cultural phenomena, including transcultural communication, political communication, propaganda, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, media diplomacy, and soft power. Aside from analysing these concepts, this chapter also proposes an innovative definition of international communication and its graphic model. Chapter 2 is diachronic, and it focuses on the discovery of radio waves and the invention of radio read from the technical perspective, which determines the position of radio for international communication. Moreover, the early forms of radio are recalled with regard to their significance for foreign communication. Finally, the development of radio and broadcasting in France, United Kingdom, and the USA is presented with an emphasis put on the differences between their broadcasting models. Chapter 3 is devoted to the development of international broadcasting, dividing it into three stages: 1) the early 20th century (until the 1930s), when radio waves were being tested, the first experimental stations came to being, and first international radio stations were founded, including those in Nauen and Zessen (Germany), Sainte-Assise and Le Post Colonial (France), Eindhoven and Heuzen (Netherlands), Chelmsford (United Kingdom); 2) the World War II period, in which the uses of radio for international military communication are analysed in reference to propaganda radio stations (Radio Berlin, Radio Hamburg, Radio Stuttgart, Radio Tokio) and its prominent figures (William Joyce ("Lord Haw-Haw"), Paul Ferdonnet ("the Stuttgart Traitor"), Mildred Gillars ("Axis Sally"), Ive Togure ("Tokyo Rose")), British pirate radio stations functioning in response to the Axis propaganda (for instance, Gustav Siegfried Eins), the radio stations of French Resistance with a special emphasis put on Radio Brazzaville, that is, Charles de Gaulle's chief means of international communication, and, finally, Voice of America serving for public diplomacy purposes; 3) the Cold War period, in which the objectives, assumptions, and strategies of international broadcasting posed by France, United Kingdom, the United States of America between 1945 and late 1980s are examined. The last chapter is entirely dedicated to BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale and Voice of America nowadays, paying attention to their regulations, structures, and broadcasting services. These radio stations are understood as means used for public diplomacy of their countries, and their institutional and formal connections to government institutions are discussed. Consequently, this comparative chapter refers to the legal contexts, supported by acts and regulations of a given country, presents the principles and levels of funding, reconstructs the institutional positions of radio among other media, and characterises broadcasting in terms of services, directions, and programmes. The analysis of contemporary strategies and activities of the discussed radio stations makes it possible to claim that the use of radio for international communication has not lost its relevance, and currently is supported with television and the Internet, that is, the media that were invented later in the course of historical progress. Radio stations, therefore, are not held in media bubbles; rather, they are still significant means of foreign communication because of their specificities. Furthermore, radio communication complies with strategic foreign policies, which affects various parts of the world where levels of technological development diverge whilst the access to television or the Internet connection is not available. In the countries stricken with military conflicts or poverty, radio is still the predominant means of communication that serves numerous purposes; not only is it a source of information on military operations, epidemiological situations, climate and natural disasters, but also it educates its listeners on civil and human rights, especially women's rights. Finally, Voice of America, BBC World Service, and Radio France Internationale support policies against extremism and propaganda (for instance, fake news). The services of the discussed radio stations are related to the policies the United States of America, United Kingdom, and France put forward against ISIL and international terrorism, but also to those actions that support democratic changes in the countries affected by war and political unrest.
OBJETIVO : Analizar el papel de la defensoría y su contribución para la gestión de la salud pública según usuarios de sistema de Salud y de consejeros municipales de salud. MÉTODOS : Investigación cualitativa, estudio de caso, descriptivo y transversal. La unidad de análisis fue una defensoría de salud, localizada en municipio del estado de Minas Gerais, Brasil, de mayo a agosto de 2010. El estudio fue de naturaleza observacional con datos colectados en entrevistas con dos grupos de stakeholders: usuarios y consejeros de salud. Se entrevistaron 44 usuarios del Sistema Único de Salud que registraron manifestaciones presenciales en la defensoría y todos los 20 consejeros del municipio. Las informaciones obtenidas fueron analizadas con base en tres aspectos: (1) naturaleza de las informaciones obtenidas; (2) discusión sobre subsidios para cualificar el funcionamiento de la defensoría como herramienta de gestión; (3) proposición de acciones para el mejoramiento de la gestión democrática en el campo de la salud pública. RESULTADOS : Las demandas reportadas en la defensoría indicaron dificultad de acceso a las acciones y servicios de salud, corriendo el riesgo de ser percibidas como atajos para la obtención de accesibilidad, desconsiderando el principio de la justicia social. La actuación de la defensoría contó con la aprobación de los ciudadanos. Los usuarios relataron como principales funciones de la defensoría: ayudar a solucionar problemas de salud y oír y aclarar el funcionamiento del Sistema Único de Salud. La información fue enfatizada por los consejeros de salud como instrumento de poder y de acceso a los derechos de los usuarios del Sistema Único de Salud. Destacaron que la defensoría tiene como tarea garantizar justicia en la efectividad de la política de salud y que desempeña importante papel de mediación entre el Consejo de Salud, los ciudadanos y los gestores del sistema municipal de salud. Aunado a eso, atribuyeron a la defensoría carácter ejecutivo que usualmente ella no abriga. CONCLUSIONES : La defensoría es una importante herramienta de gestión y actúa en la fiscalización del funcionamiento del sistema de salud. La implantación de la defensoría es un avance en el campo de la gestión democrática. Existen desafíos a ser superados para que las defensorías contribuyan en la ejecución de las políticas de salud y representen a los ciudadanos en la garantía del derecho a la salud. ; OBJECTIVE : To analyze the role of a Municipal Health Ombudsman and its contribution to the public health management from the perspective of the public health system users and the municipal health counselors. METHODS : Qualitative research approach using the case study, descriptive and transversal methods. The unit of analysis was a Municipal Health Ombudsman, in the state of Minas Gerais, Southeastern Brazil, between May and August 2010. The study was observational in nature and data were collected through interviews with two groups of stakeholders: users and municipal health counselors. We interviewed 44 Brazilian Unified Health System users who had made direct use of the Municipal Health Ombudsman and all 20 municipal health counselors. The data obtained were analyzed based on three issues: (1) nature of the data obtained; (2) discussion of subsidies to qualify the ombudsman's functioning as a management tool; (3) proposals for actions to improve democratic management in the area of public health. RESULTS : The complaints to the ombudsman denoted difficulties in access to health care services running the risk of their being perceived as shortcuts to gaining accessibility, disregarding the principle of social justice. The role of the ombudsman has the citizens' approval. Users reported the following main functions of the ombudsman: to support the resolution of health problems, to listen and to clarify issues regarding Brazilian Unified Health System operations and procedures. Information was emphasized by health counselors as an instrument of power and access to the rights of Brazilian Unified Health System users. They highlighted that the ombudsman has the role of ensuring justice to foster an effective health policy, besides playing an important mediating role between the board of the municipal health system, its managers and citizens. Furthermore, the ombudsman was shown to have an execution role that transcends its regular functions. CONCLUSIONS : The study found that the ombudsman is a key management tool in monitoring the health care system. Therefore, the establishment of the ombudsman is an advance in the field of democratic management. Nevertheless, there are challenges to be overcome in order to improve ombudsman contribution to the execution of health policies and representing citizens in ensuring their rights to health care. ; OBJETIVO : Analisar o papel da ouvidoria e sua contribuição para a gestão da saúde pública segundo usuários de sistema de Saúde e de conselheiros municipais de saúde. MÉTODOS : Pesquisa qualitativa, estudo de caso, descritivo e transversal. A unidade de análise foi uma ouvidoria de saúde, localizada em município do estado de Minas Gerais, de maio a agosto de 2010. O estudo foi de natureza observacional com dados coletados em entrevistas com dois grupos de stakeholders: usuários e conselheiros de saúde. Foram entrevistados 44 usuários do Sistema Único de Saúde que registraram manifestações presenciais na ouvidoria e todos os 20 conselheiros do município. As informações obtidas foram analisadas com base em três questões: (1) natureza das informações obtidas; (2) discussão sobre subsídios para qualificar o funcionamento da ouvidoria como ferramenta de gestão; (3) proposição de ações para o aprimoramento da gestão democrática no campo da saúde pública. RESULTADOS : As demandas reportadas à ouvidoria indicaram dificuldade de acesso às ações e serviços de saúde, correndo o risco de serem percebidas como atalhos para obtenção de acessibilidade, desconsiderando o princípio da justiça social. A atuação da ouvidoria contou com a aprovação dos cidadãos. Os usuários relataram como principais funções da ouvidoria: ajudar a solucionar problemas de saúde e ouvir e esclarecer sobre o funcionamento do Sistema Único de Saúde. A informação foi enfatizada pelos conselheiros de saúde como instrumento de poder e de acesso aos direitos dos usuários do Sistema Único de Saúde. Destacaram que a ouvidoria tem como tarefa garantir justiça na efetivação da política de saúde e que desempenha importante papel de mediação entre o Conselho de Saúde, os cidadãos e os gestores do sistema municipal de saúde. Além disso, atribuíram à ouvidoria caráter executivo que usualmente ela não abriga. CONCLUSÕES : A ouvidoria é uma importante ferramenta de gestão e atua na fiscalização do funcionamento do sistema de saúde. A implantação da ouvidoria é um avanço no campo da gestão democrática. Existem desafios a serem superados para que as ouvidorias contribuam para a execução das políticas de saúde e representem os cidadãos na garantia do direito à saúde.
Introduction: The Corona virus (COVID-19) pandemic caused, among others, the need for colleges and universities managers around the world to reinvent new ways of providing education preserving its good quality at the same time. With the new ordinances of the Ministry of Education and Health, all courses can use remote methodologies for the continuity on the current school year. With new challenges and paradigms emerging from this methodological proposal: provide for the user the feeling of immersion, of being in the class room, from the navigation and interaction in this virtual environment, at the same time that the educator, respecting the educational principles and the pedagogical approach that he believes, does not transform this moment into a simple distance education. Objective: to describe the state of the art on nursing education and the challenges of using remote technologies in the time of Corona virus pandemic. Methods: this is a reflective study based on secondary sources of literature relevant to the theme, considering articles from national and international journals and recent productions on education, health training, remote technologies, COVId-19 and public health. Results: it is evident that experiencing the effects of the corona virus pandemic (COVID-19) in the health educational sector, especially in the field of nursing, goes beyond a structural reorganization of courses. It implies change attitude of managers, teachers and students to reformulate educational practices (sometimes with traditional tools), with innovative practices preserving a methodology that provides to the student criticality reflection, dialogue, bonding and interaction; elements that are part of a training aimed at transformation, empowerment and not just the transmission of knowledge. In this context, the COVID-19 pandemic caused paradigm shifts perhaps not yet overcome by health science institutions , because when they perceived themselves within a reality that generated changes in the political, economic, cultural and social aspects at a global level, they had to reinvent and insert new ways of teaching in their work process; they had to discuss different educational approaches and, given the needs to readjust health teaching methods, they inserted remote technologies as essential tools to meet the real need for continuity of classes in non-face-to-face model. For many, it is a challenge, as it currently permeates a reflection on the attention of distance learning in the field of nursing and other courses in the health area. However, as it opened up to discussions about new ways of teaching mediated by innovation, it can be said that this will be one of the greatest impact of the pandemic in benefit the education: the contribution of new information and communication technologies in the teaching-learning process for training in health, as well as the reflection on distance education and its concepts, differentiating it from the concepts of remote methodology and the use of technologies. Conclusion: In nursing education, the discussion related to the use of remote technologies in the classroom has always been a point of debate. However, with the need to include these tools for the continuity of classes in the non-face-to-face model resulting from the social isolation strategy motivated by the pandemic of COVID-19, it can provide an opportunity to have a new look on the subject and perhaps there is an opportunity to expand the debate on the use of remote methodologies in health education, seeking a reflection on their interaction with the other teaching methods already implemented. ; Introdução: A pandemia do Corona vírus (COVID-19) provocou em caráter emergencial a necessidade dos gestores das faculdades e universidades de todo mundo de reinventar novas formas de prover o ensino preservando a qualidade dele. Com as novas portarias do Ministério da Educação e Saúde, houve uma abertura para que todos os cursos utilizassem de metodologias remotas para continuidade do ano letivo, surgindo novos desafios e paradigmas com essa proposta metodológica: prover para o usuário, a sensação de imersão, de estar dentro do ambiente, a partir da navegação e interação nesse meio virtual, ao mesmo tempo que o educador, respeitando os princípios educacionais e a abordagem pedagógica que acredita, não transformar esse momento em uma simples educação à distância. Objetivo: descrever o estado da arte sobre o ensino de enfermagem e os desafios do uso de tecnologias remotas em época de pandemia do Corona vírus. Método: trata-se de estudo reflexivo consubstanciado por fontes secundárias da literatura pertinente à temática, considerando artigos de periódicos nacionais e internacionais e produções recentes sobre educação, formação em saúde, tecnologias remotas, o COVId-19 e saúde pública. Resultados: evidencia-se que vivenciar os efeitos da pandemia de corona vírus (COVID-19) no setor educacional na formação em saúde, em especial no campo da enfermagem, vai além de uma reorganização estrutural dos cursos, pois implica em mudança atitudinal dos gestores, docentes e discentes para que reformulem as práticas de ensino (por vezes com ferramentas tradicionais), em práticas inovadoras preservando um ensino que propicie ao estudante a criticidade, reflexão, diálogo, vínculo e interação; elementos que fazem parte de uma formação que visa a transformação, o empoderamento e não apenas a transmissão do conhecimento. Nesse contexto, a pandemia do COVID-19 provocou mudanças de paradigmas talvez ainda não superados pelas instituições na área da saúde, pois ao se perceberem dentro de uma realidade em que gerou mudanças nos aspectos políticos, econômicos, culturais e sociais em nível mundial, estas tiveram que se reinventar e inserir no seu processo de trabalho as novas formas de ensinar; tiveram que discutir sobre as diferentes abordagens educacionais e diante das necessidades do readequar os métodos de ensino em saúde, inseriram as tecnologias remotas como ferramentas essenciais para atender a real necessidade da continuidade das aulas no formato não presencial. Para muitos um desafio, pois permeia atualmente uma reflexão sobre o cuidado do ensino à distância no campo da enfermagem e demais cursos da área da saúde. Entretanto, à medida que se abriu para discussões sobre novas formas de ensinar mediadas pela inovação, pode-se dizer que esse será o maior impacto da pandemia para o ensino: a contribuição das novas tecnologias de informação e comunicação no processo ensino aprendizagem para formação em saúde, assim como a reflexão sobre a educação à distância e seus conceitos, diferenciando-a dos conceitos de metodologia remota e o uso das tecnologias. Conclusão: No ensino da enfermagem, a discussão relacionada ao uso de tecnologias remotas em sala de aula sempre foi um ponto de debate. Entretanto, com a necessidade da inclusão dessas ferramentas para a continuidade de aulas no formato não presencial decorrente da estratégia do isolamento social motivada pela pandemia do COVID-19, pode oportunizar a se ter um novo olhar sobre o assunto e que talvez com esse momento vivido se haja oportunidade de ampliar o debate sobre uso dessas metodologias remotas no ensino em saúde, buscando uma reflexão sobre a interação destas com os demais métodos de ensino já implementados.
Po upadku komunizmu i zakończeniu zimnej wojny wydawało się, że świat na trwałe wchodzi w okres stabilizacji, pokoju i współpracy. Szybko jednak okazało się, że świat narastającej globalizacji ma różne oblicza, także negatywne, co rzutuje na prawie każdą sferę życia, także na bezpieczeństwo. Spadło co prawda zagrożenie nuklearne, ale pojawiły się nowe zagrożenia oraz nasiliły te, które przedtem przesłonięte były rywalizacją Wschód – Zachód. Chodzi głównie o konfl ikty etniczno- -religijne, kulturowe i cywilizacyjne, w tym rozlewające się konfl ikty wewnętrzne w państwach słabych i upadłych, proliferację broni masowego rażenia, niebezpieczne ambicje państw dyktatorskich. Ogromny wpływ na ład międzynarodowy i bezpieczeństwo miały zamachy 11 września 2001. Zmieniły one percepcję zagrożeń dla bezpieczeństwa. Terroryzm uznany został za największe zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa, a ogłoszona przez prezydenta Busha walka z terroryzmem doprowadziła Stany Zjednoczone i prawie cały Zachód do zaangażowania w dwie wojny: w Iraku i w Afganistanie. O ile interwencję w Afganistanie i obalenie reżimu Talibów można uznać za swoiste prawo do samoobrony Stanów Zjednoczonych (a właściwie po uruchomieniu art. 5 traktatu waszyngtońskiego za sprawę całego NATO), bo Al-Kaida, która była organizatorem zamachów 11 września, za przyzwoleniem tego reżimu była na stałe zainstalowana w tym kraju, to już interwencja w Iraku miała wątpliwe podstawy prawne, a właściwie była ona jednostronną decyzją USA, podjętą mimo protestów połowy sojuszników NATO. To co nastąpiło potem, w ramach wojny z terroryzmem, przekształciło się w totalny chaos, przypominający wojnę domową, w Iraku obecnie wygasającą, w Afganistanie zaś, już w warunkach obecności tam Międzynarodowych Sił Wsparcia Bezpieczeństwa (ISAF), coraz bardziej nasilającą się. W ostatnich dwóch latach warunki bezpieczeństwa w Afganistanie, za które w praktyce, w ramach ISAF, odpowiedzialne jest NATO, gwałtownie się pogorszyły. Gwałtownie wzrosła liczba zamachów terrorystycznych, a talibowie odzyskują pozycje, kontrolując już prawie 40% obszaru Afganistanu. Sytuacja w Afganistanie i odpowiedzialność NATO za bezpieczeństwo tego kraju budzi ogromne zaniepokojenie przywódców państw natowskich oraz kierownictwa sojuszu. Staje się to również jednym z centralnych problemów nowej administracji waszyngtońskiej. Trwające już siedem lat i rosnące zaangażowanie NATO i sił koalicyjnych w Afganistanie, pionierskie w ramach misji out of area, mimo zaangażowania ok. 64 tysięcy żołnierzy, sprzętu i idących w miliardy dolarów kosztów operacji nie przynosi jak dotąd, oczekiwanych rezultatów. Dlatego też przygotowana i realizowana jest nowa strategia obecności USA i NATO w Afganistanie. Zaangażowanie NATO w Afganistanie często interpretowane jest jako swoisty test dla Sojuszu, jako wyraz rosnącej odpowiedzialności za bezpieczeństwo globalne, w tym za zwalczanie nowych zagrożeń, takich jak terroryzm, których eskalacja jest także ubocznym skutkiem globalizacji. Autor nie w pełni podziela te opinie, choć niewątpliwie obecność NATO w Afganistanie jest ważną i trudną próbą dla Sojuszu, w tym także dla Polski ze względu na rosnące zaangażowanie sił zbrojnych naszego kraju w tę operację. Sprawa udziału NATO jednak rzutuje na stan bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, eskaluje napięcia i budzi negatywne emocje cywilizacyjno-kulturowe, utrudnia walkę z terroryzmem, kładzie się cieniem na i tak niejasny obraz sytuacji na Bliskim i Środkowym Wschodzie. Na wiele spraw z zakresu bezpieczeństwa globalnego i regionalnego, w tym narodowego poszczególnych krajów (choćby USA), patrzy się przez pryzmat Afganistanu. ; When the cold war ended, after the collapse of communism and when fi nally the Soviet Union disintegrated, there was a widespread feeling through the world that at long last universal peace had descended on earth. The fear of war in which weapons of mass destruction would be used had vanished. Today's world is a vastly different place. It is a world of globalization, which has both good and bad sides. This inexorable process has extended the opportunities of worldwide interchange. But this same globalization process and associated technology have also brought major new threats and intensifi ed existing ones. The threats we face are seamless, running across the boundaries of defence, foreign affairs, domestic and social life. It has left nations and peoples ever more vulnerable to phenomena ranging from international crime and terrorism through to cyber-attacks, health pandemics, energy politics, resource shortages and fi nancial crisis. We are facing the problem of failed states, WMD proliferations, rough countries challenges. We all have to agree that it was a great impact of 9/11 terrorist hijackers and attacks on security. The perception of international security threats has changed. Terrorism has been recognized as the biggest threat for security. The war on terrorism, declared by George W. Bush, has engaged United States and almost the whole West in two wars: in Iraq and in Afghanistan. As far as Afghanistan case is concerned, one has to recognize the legitimacy of American intervention (as did the UN Security Council), as U.S. had the right to self-defence after Al-Qaeda attacks, operating from Afghan territory. In the case of intervention in Iraq there are far going doubts about its legitimacy. The result was not only the overthrow of both regimes, of Saddam Hussein in Iraq and Taliban in Afghanistan, but a real mess – if not a civil war – in Iraq. Today, after seven years, the security situation in Iraq has much improved, but in Afghanistan there is ongoing process of violence escalation. In the last years the conditions of security in Afghanistan, for keeping which responsible is ISAF (and practically NATO, being a core of ISAF), has dramatically deteriorated. The number of terrorist attacks has enormously increased and Taliban have regained the control over 40% of Afghan territory. The security situation in Afghanistan and NATO's responsibility for that is the reason of deep concern for both the leaders of NATO member states and Alliance itself. The new American administration has made the confl ict a policy priority. President Obama announced a new strategy for Afghanistan, including the decision to commit an additional 30 000 U.S. military forces to address the confl ict. NATO's engagement in Afghanistan is treated as a kind of test for Alliance and a confi rmation of NATO's rising responsibility for global security, opening new out of area alliance missions. It is also important for Poland, taking in consideration the rising number of Polish troops in Afghanistan. Many questions of global and regional [Middle East] security are treated in the framework of Afghanistan case. ; Многие считали, что после падения коммунизма и окончания холодной войны, мир входит в период стабилизации, мира и сотрудничества. Однако вскоре ока- залось, что в эпоху глобализации мир имеет разные обличия, в том числе нега- тивные, что отражается почти на каждой сфере жизни, в том числе и на безопас- ности. Хотя и уменьшилась ядерная угроза, но появились новые угрозы, а также усилились те, которые ранее, в связи с соперничеством Востока и Запада, на- ходились на втором плане. Главным образом здесь необходимо иметь ввиду эт- ническо-религиозные, культурные и цивилизационные конфликты, в том числе, внутренние конфликты в слабых и распавшихся государствах, распространение оружия массового уничтожения, опасные шаги диктаторских государств. Огромное влияние на международный порядок и безопасность оказали террористические акты 11 сентября 2001 года. Они полностью изменили вос- приятие угроз безопасности. Терроризм был признан самой большой угрозой безопасности, а провозглашенная президентом Бушем война с терроризмом вовлекла Соединённые Штаты и почти весь Запад в ведение двух войн: в Ира- ке и в Афганистане. Если интервенцию в Афганистане и свержение режима та- либов еще можно признать своеобразным правом на самозащиту Соединённых Штатов (а имея ввиду 5 статью Вашингтонского договора делом всего НАТО), поскольку Аль-Каида, ответственная за организацию терактов 11 сентября, с согласия режима талибов имела постоянные базы в этой стране, то интер- венция в Ираке имела очень слабые юридические основания и в действитель- ности она была односторонним решением США, принятым вопреки протестам половины союзников НАТО. То, что произошло в рамках войны с терроризмом, позже превратилось в тотальный хаос, приведший к ослабевающей гражданс- кой войне в Ираке, и усиливающейся войне в Афганистане, происходящей в ус- ловиях присутствия там Международных сил содействия безопасности (ISAF). В последние два года безопасность в Афганистане, за которую в действитель- ности в рамках ISAF, несет ответственность НАТО, сильно ухудшилась. Возрос- ло количество террористических актов, а талибы контролируют уже почти 40% территории Афганистана. Ситуация в Афганистане и ответственность НАТО за безопасность этой стра- ны, вызывает огромное беспокойство глав государств членов НАТО, руководс- тва союза, а также становиться одной из главных проблем новой вашингтон- ской администрации. Продолжающееся уже семь лет и растущее присутствие НАТО и коалиционных сил в Афганистане, не взирая на контингент численностью около 64 тысяч солдат, современную технику и исчисляющуюся в миллиар- дах долларов стоимость операции, пока не принесло ожидаемых результатов. В связи с чем, подготавливается и реализуется новая стратегия присутствия США и НАТО в Афганистане. Действия НАТО в Афганистане часто интерпретированы как своеобразный тест для союза, как проявление растущей ответственности за глобальную бе- зопасность, в том числе за борьбу с новыми угрозами, такими как терроризм, эскалация которого в какой-то степени является побочным следствием глоба- лизации. Автор не полностью разделяет такое мнение, хотя, несомненно, при- сутствие НАТО в Афганистане – это важное и тяжелое испытание для союза, в том числе также для Польши, ввиду возрастающего присутствия вооружён- ных сил Польши в этой операции. Вопрос участия в операции НАТО, хотим мы этого или нет, отражается на состоянии международной безопасности, вызыва- ет напряжения и отрицательные цивилизационно-культурные эмоции, затруд- няет борьбу с терроризмом, оказывает влияние на и так непростую ситуацию на Ближнем и Среднем Востоке. На многие вопросы в сфере глобальной и ре- гиональной безопасности, в том числе и национальной, отдельных стран (даже США), нужно смотреть сквозь призму Афганистана.
