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The economic policy of Polish governments changed but can be broadly divided into two groups. The first encompassed periods when Polish policy belonged to awidelydefined world mainstream. The second –those when Polish governments attempted alternatives tothe mainstream, looking for various ways of "taking ashortcut". In general, the first group helped economic development, the second hindered it, isolating the country from the world economy. The first group included the entire interwar period, when autarchic tendencies were mainstream, as well as the years 1944–1947 and 1989–2015. ; Polityka gospodarcza rządu polskiego przechodziła różne fazy, które jednak generalnie można podzielić nadwie grupy. Do pierwszej należały te, kiedy polityka polska mieściła się wgłównym nurcie przemian światowych. Do drugiej te, kiedy władze polskie stawiały naalternatywne wobec mainstreamu rozwiązania, ulegając pokusie "pójścia naskróty". Generalnie można powiedzieć, że pierwsze przyczyniały się do rozwoju kraju, adrugie sprowadzały jego rozwój namanowce, izolując od gospodarki światowej. Do pierwszej grupy można zaliczyć cały okres międzywojenny, łącznie zlatami 30., kiedy totendencje autarkiczne były właśnie mainstreamowe, lata 1944–1947 ilata 1989–2015.

Me-economy and we-economy are models (trends, streams) in the global economy development. In the me-economy model the core of interest is a consumer (user, client, prosumer, etc.) and the customisation in meeting customers' needs. Contrary to me-economy, we-economy stands for reciprocity economy, co-production of products and/or services by the users and clients, supported by neighbourly relations and co-operation, the principles of wikinomics and prosumption. The above-mentioned trend combines the features of different systems and economic streams, i.e. the market economy with the traditional economy and the centrally controlled economic system, as well as the laissez-faire approach with libertarianism and liberalism. Due to the limited role of the state in functioning of this trend and the lack of suitable legal regulations and economic tools which would determine the development of we-economy, it is often perceived as a threat to social and economic security, and not as a direction of development stimulating the activities of various entities.

W artykule skupiono się na wskazaniu pożądanych kierunków polityki gospodarczej w Polsce na tle jej potencjału i aktualnych uwarunkowań. Założono, że stan polskiej gospodarki jest zdeterminowany współoddziaływaniem procesów transformacji, globalizacji i integracji europejskiej. Ostatnie chronologicznie determinanty tego stanu to kryzys wywołany pandemią COVID-19 oraz agresja wojenna Rosji na Ukrainę. Wydarzenia te stworzyły zagrożenie stagflacją. Rosnące znaczenie Chin i wojna handlowa tego państwa z USA wraz z rosyjską agresją kruszą dotychczasowy międzynarodowy ład ekonomiczny. Procesy te zmieniają sytuację i perspektywy polskiej gospodarki, której sternicy powinni na nowo zdefiniować jej miejsce w nowym międzynarodowym ładzie gospodarczym, stopniowo wyłaniającym się pod wpływem tych wszystkich okoliczności. Niewiadomą jest finalny obraz następnej rzeczywistości gospodarczej. Jednak warto już teraz dążyć do włączenia polskich przedsiębiorstw w europejskie i światowe łańcuchy dostaw dzięki modernizacji technologicznej ich działalności. W obszarze polityki fiskalnej zamiast konkurować coraz niższymi stawkami i obciążeniami podatkowymi warto rozbudowywać infrastrukturę i instytucje publiczne. W odniesieniu do polityki monetarnej z powodu nieuchronnego wzrostu ryzyka ekonomicznego inwestycji zagranicznych w Polsce warto przyjąć euro i dzięki temu stworzyć bezpieczną perspektywę rozwoju gospodarczego. ; The article focuses on indicating the desired directions of economic policy in Poland against the background of its potential and current conditions. It is assumed that the current condition of the Polish economy was determined by the interaction of the processes of transformation, privatization, globalization and European integration. The last chronological determinants of this state are the crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and Russia's military aggression against Ukraine. These impacts created the threat of stagflation. The growing importance of China and the trade war between that country and the US, ...

The paper presents the differences and similarities in the economic platforms of candidates for presidency of Poland. An attempt is also made to assess which promises made by the candidates in the realm of economy generated support, and which were responsible for the conflicts arising between them. Economic problems were the subject of the electoral declarations of many candidates. Privatization, the tax system and the development of businesses attracted most attention. The visions of the Polish economy presented by the candidates were similar. Only Janusz Korwin-Mikke advocated a minimum of state intervention in economic life. The commercialization of the national health system and agricultural subsidies were the centre of the disputes between Bronisław Komorowski and Jarosław Kaczyński. The fact that the former won a judicial argument about the privatization of the health system did not help him to win over undecided voters, which was clearly evidenced in the opinion polls conducted before the election. Komorowski was elected Poland's president by a small majority. Kaczyński's defeat was due to the fact that he commanded a significant negative electorate. ; The paper presents the differences and similarities in the economic platforms of candidates for presidency of Poland. An attempt is also made to assess which promises made by the candidates in the realm of economy generated support, and which were responsible for the conflicts arising between them. Economic problems were the subject of the electoral declarations of many candidates. Privatization, the tax system and the development of businesses attracted most attention. The visions of the Polish economy presented by the candidates were similar. Only Janusz Korwin-Mikke advocated a minimum of state intervention in economic life. The commercialization of the national health system and agricultural subsidies were the centre of the disputes between Bronisław Komorowski and Jarosław Kaczyński. The fact that the former won a judicial argument about the privatization of the health system did not help him to win over undecided voters, which was clearly evidenced in the opinion polls conducted before the election. Komorowski was elected Poland's president by a small majority. Kaczyński's defeat was due to the fact that he commanded a significant negative electorate.

The author describes the policy change which took place within last years in the economic policy in the most developed countries as well as in Poland. That relates to the relevance of industrial sector in the world economy. During the prevalence of the neoliberal way of thinking in the economic policy it has been regarded as the one in decline. Its neoliberal advocates were convinced that this sector is going to be replaced by the service sector as a growth engine in the world economy. But with 15 years, quit unexpectedly, a belief in the relevance of it collapsed. That resulted from the technological progress in the industrial sector as well as the global economic crises which began in 2008. At present, the economic discourse revolves around the necessity of the modern reindustrialization. This is a challenge for the Polish economic policy as well. In Poland we saw too much deindustrialization within last two decades, which weakened our prospects for development.

The creation of socio-economic policy is not, however, the main domain of the second chamber, especially in those systems, where the model of asymmetric bicameralism is implemented. The limitation of the process of creating economic policy is observable for example in the Czech Republic, where the Senate does not participate in passing of the budget act. Socio-economic policy of the state is not the main scope of interest of the Polish Senate either. The majority of legislative initiatives results in the creation of a new law and it does not raise the subject of socio-economic state policy directly. There are to be found, however, some initiatives that propose changes in the tax system, labour law, social care law or in the area of pensions and annuities. Owing to the legislative initiatives of the Senate accounting chambers and employers' associations were created. While analyzing the role of the Senate in socio-economic state policy the actions of Senate committees, especially of the Budget and Public Finance Committee, the National Economy Committee, the Family and Social Policy Committee, the Agriculture and Rural Development Committee are worth emphasizing. Those committees put forward amendments to the budget act, review the laws passed by the Sejm or international agreements concerning socio-economic policy. Some of the effects of the Polish Senate's committee work is, among many, proposing by the Budget and Public Finance Committee, on behalf of the Senate, a number of amendments to consequent budget acts. It should be stressed, however, that the Senate undermines its role in the field of socio-economic policy. It takes, so to say, additional measures to other activities. A lack of long-term and comprehensive programmes can be seen in those actions. The Senate uses the instruments of government, nevertheless, it does so in moderation.

The author makes an attempt to analyze the Strategy for Responsible Development (SRD), the process of its creation and its place among state policies. He tries to answer the question about its feasibility, degree and direction of the impact of new policies on the social and economic situation. He refers to previous policy-making documents after 1989, with an emphasis on the process of their creation, characteristics and role in the institutional environment. Next, he discusses the process of developing and adopting the SRD. The coherence and the ability to achieve the objectives of the Strategy are examined. Additionally, instruments of the new state policy have been critically evaluated, which has been expanded on selected examples showing system problems with the implementation of SRD policies. The article concludes with proposals addressed to the SRD and future state policies.

Since the beginning of the political transition in Poland an unproductive discussion has been continued concerning the role of economic self-government in the system of local government. The current legal regulations do not provide business chambers with the status of public legal unions. They tend to be based on the facultative nature of the ties between entrepreneurs, which is the main cause of the weakness of the Polish economic self-government, or rather the economic quasi-self-government. The consequential structural and programmatic weakness of entrepreneurs' organisation seems to be the major obstacle in creating an effective system of local governance that could equalise the excessively asymmetric relations between the local government and the representation of entrepreneurs. It is beyond doubt that the lack of such structures in the area of public institutions is the main reason for marginalising them by the government and local authorities, which do not see the need to make any concessions for the diffused economic environment. Given this context, the most rational solution seems to be the creation of a common economic self-government, which will be incorporated into the system of public authorities.