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Xi Jinpings makt og avmakt: Styringsutfordringer i implementeringen av Kinas nye okonomiske modell
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 73, Heft 2, S. 183-208
ISSN: 0020-577X
Jinping is assumed to be China's strongest leader since Deng Xiaoping - even since Mao, some argue. It might therefore be expected that Xi Jinping, at the top of a one-party state, has the power and ability to reform China. This article analyses how structural constraints limit Xi Jinping's power and freedom of action using his ability to implement a new course for the country's economic policy as case. To avoid being caught in the middle-income trap, China must adjust its investment and export-driven model to a more innovation, consumer and welfare-based development model. We use the school of historical institutionalism as framework, and examine how (i) path dependency, (ii) informal structures, norms and values, (iii) institutional autonomy, and (iv) institutional capacity in different ways limit and constrain the power and ability of Xi Jinping to implement a successful restructuring of the country's economic model. Adapted from the source document.
Forhandlingsøkonomi og blandingsadministrasjon
In: Publikasjoner fra Maktutredningen
Visegrad-landene fra planokonomi til EU-medlemskap
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 62, Heft 1, S. 85-106
ISSN: 0020-577X
Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, & Hungary have in little more than ten years established market-based economies. The countries chose, in spite of geographical proximity & historical links, different reform strategies, especially with respect to inflation stabilization & privatization. The different strategies can to a large extent be explained by different starting points. In preparation for EU membership, the economic policies in the four countries have gradually converged. The economic results have been mixed. Many have gained from greater choice & higher living standards. Still, economic growth is only slightly above the performance of the EU countries, unemployment is high, & government budgets exhibit large deficits. Membership of the EU could bring about more trade & investment & help narrow the income gap towards Western Europe. Adapted from the source document.
Mosambik, utvikling og frigjøring i Sør-Afrikas slagskygge
In: Norwegian foreign policy studies no. 45
Om atti ar er allting glemt
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 221-230
ISSN: 0020-577X
Explains that the late-2000 recession was mainly due to the fact that politicians, businessmen and economists had forgotten the lessons of the great depression resulting in a moral hazard of overleveraging as big corporations knew that the government would bail them out. The seeds for this economic crisis were already sawn by the stock market bubble in the 1990's that eventually spread into more important sectors due to bad government policies based on neoliberalism. It is important that policy makers see the economic crisis as a possibility and aim at full employment while redesigning the credit system in order to avoid future crises. L. Pitkaniemi
Hvordan "hedge" i internasjonal politikk
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 259-271
ISSN: 0020-577X
Hedge strategies became famous after the strange year of 2008 when Lehman Brothers went bankrupt and the Norwegian stock market crashed by 55%. Countries could benefit from the hedging strategies known from the financial world during an era when the American hegemony is about to end. In a polar or bipolar world where stakes are well known hedging is unnecessary, but in a multipolar world dominated from two to ten states the importance of hedging increases. A successful foreign policy hedging strategy aims at finding a low delta by reducing and managing risk, pushing decision making into the future, keeping options open and developing insurance mechanisms. L. Pitkaniemi
Den rasjonelle diktator
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 3, S. 404-414
ISSN: 0020-577X
Explores the question why dictators such as Robert Mugabe or Kim Jong Il implement mad policies that are driving the economic activities of their respective countries into the ground. The main reason for this is that dictators are trying to increase or retain their power by their domestic and foreign policy choices, and that these choices have to be understood from this perspective by those countries who choose to deal with them. For example, a common foreign policy choice of a dictatorship is to restrict trade to better control the country's economic output. The correct understanding of dictatorships is also the first step towards a successful foreign aid policy. L. Pitkaniemi
Sor Afrika, hva nå?
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 2, S. 189-210
ISSN: 0020-577X
Utenriks- og sikkerhets- politikk i EU fra to perspektiver
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, Heft 4, S. 463-465
ISSN: 0020-577X
The contributions in this issue of the journal are outlined. They are devoted to the topics of: (1) European security & defense policy & the different approaches to it by France & the UK, (2) EU citizens' support for a common foreign & security policy by this international body, (3) economic development problems in China's Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, (4) the Kurdish question in Turkey as this country applies for EU membership, & (5) the restitution of private property disputes in post-war Kosovo. Contributions to the next, 65th volume of the journal, as it will celebrate its 70th year of publication in 2007, are solicited. Z. Dubiel
Norsk utenrikspolitikk i en ny tid. Noen randbemerkninger
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 65, Heft 4, S. 91-102
ISSN: 0020-577X
Comments on "refleksprosjektet"; a Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs initiative to define Norwegian foreign policy in a new era faced with global changes in the areas of environment, energy, global warming, health, poverty, world security, technology and communication, international migration, religion, the global economy and changes in Norwegian changes in the areas of oil, the petroleum fund, open society, and global economic dependencies. Comments include the relationship between government initiative reports and practical politics, challenges of future planning, and value of plans to increase experience based learning. Concludes that the value of the initiative is increased focus, interest, debate, and understanding of Norwegian foreign policy issues. References. E. Sundby
Den nya regionalismens politiska ekonomi i sodra Afrika
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 2, S. 139-162
ISSN: 0020-577X
Draws on the New Regionalism Approach (NRA) to analyze the political economy of the new regionalism in southern Africa in the post-Cold War & postapartheid era. The NRA challenges much of conventional wisdom in the field, which is seen as narrowly focused on intergovernmental regional organizations & intraregional trade. The analysis identifies four main types of regionalism in southern Africa, which to a large extent occur within the larger context of economic globalization, neoliberalism, & the retreat of the state: (1) open regionalism, (2) microregionalism, (3) private firms led regionalism, & (4) informal regionalism from below. Both open regionalism & microregionalism (as built around the concept of spatial development initiatives) seek to reinforce economic globalization & market integration, & attract foreign direct investment to bankable private investment projects. Together with the firms driven regionalism, which is constructed by & around large South African business enterprises, these three types of regionalism sustain a particular pattern of elite driven regionalism centered on economic growth, trade, & capital intensive projects in the formal economy, with little focus on development & poverty reduction. To a large extent, the myriad of activities included in informal regionalism from below emerges as a consequence of the negative & exclusionary effects of neoliberalism & the three types of elite driven regionalism. 47 References. Adapted from the source document.