Suchergebnisse

O artigo enfoca, pela óptica do direito econômico, as influências das políticas econômicas privadas (basicamente do capital transnacional) e dos entes internacionais sobre as políticas econômicas públicas, especialmente as realizadas pelos Estados em desenvolvimento. Enfatiza a mutação do neoliberalismo de regulamentação para o de regulação como exigência dos poderes econômicos privados, identificando entre os seus resultados o enfraquecimento do Estado e a descrença na democracia. E, ainda, defende a existência de espaços para a execução de ações econômicas endógenas por parte dos Estados Nacionais, a fim de viabilizar a eficácia de suas Constituições econômicas e suprir as carências de seus povos. ; This paper deal with, by Economical Law view, the effects of private economic policy, essentially of foreign capital, and the international organizations above the public economic policy, mainly that politics performed by the development nations. Lay emphasis on the mutation of the regulatory New Liberalism to the regulation as demand of private economic powers, recongnized enter their results: The decline of the State and the unbelief of democracy. Defends existence of spaces for the execution of endogenous economic actions by part of National States, for the purpose of execute effectiveness of their economical constitution and supply the shortage of their people.

The economic policy of Polish governments changed but can be broadly divided into two groups. The first encompassed periods when Polish policy belonged to awidelydefined world mainstream. The second –those when Polish governments attempted alternatives tothe mainstream, looking for various ways of "taking ashortcut". In general, the first group helped economic development, the second hindered it, isolating the country from the world economy. The first group included the entire interwar period, when autarchic tendencies were mainstream, as well as the years 1944–1947 and 1989–2015. ; Polityka gospodarcza rządu polskiego przechodziła różne fazy, które jednak generalnie można podzielić nadwie grupy. Do pierwszej należały te, kiedy polityka polska mieściła się wgłównym nurcie przemian światowych. Do drugiej te, kiedy władze polskie stawiały naalternatywne wobec mainstreamu rozwiązania, ulegając pokusie "pójścia naskróty". Generalnie można powiedzieć, że pierwsze przyczyniały się do rozwoju kraju, adrugie sprowadzały jego rozwój namanowce, izolując od gospodarki światowej. Do pierwszej grupy można zaliczyć cały okres międzywojenny, łącznie zlatami 30., kiedy totendencje autarkiczne były właśnie mainstreamowe, lata 1944–1947 ilata 1989–2015.

Me-economy and we-economy are models (trends, streams) in the global economy development. In the me-economy model the core of interest is a consumer (user, client, prosumer, etc.) and the customisation in meeting customers' needs. Contrary to me-economy, we-economy stands for reciprocity economy, co-production of products and/or services by the users and clients, supported by neighbourly relations and co-operation, the principles of wikinomics and prosumption. The above-mentioned trend combines the features of different systems and economic streams, i.e. the market economy with the traditional economy and the centrally controlled economic system, as well as the laissez-faire approach with libertarianism and liberalism. Due to the limited role of the state in functioning of this trend and the lack of suitable legal regulations and economic tools which would determine the development of we-economy, it is often perceived as a threat to social and economic security, and not as a direction of development stimulating the activities of various entities.

W artykule skupiono się na wskazaniu pożądanych kierunków polityki gospodarczej w Polsce na tle jej potencjału i aktualnych uwarunkowań. Założono, że stan polskiej gospodarki jest zdeterminowany współoddziaływaniem procesów transformacji, globalizacji i integracji europejskiej. Ostatnie chronologicznie determinanty tego stanu to kryzys wywołany pandemią COVID-19 oraz agresja wojenna Rosji na Ukrainę. Wydarzenia te stworzyły zagrożenie stagflacją. Rosnące znaczenie Chin i wojna handlowa tego państwa z USA wraz z rosyjską agresją kruszą dotychczasowy międzynarodowy ład ekonomiczny. Procesy te zmieniają sytuację i perspektywy polskiej gospodarki, której sternicy powinni na nowo zdefiniować jej miejsce w nowym międzynarodowym ładzie gospodarczym, stopniowo wyłaniającym się pod wpływem tych wszystkich okoliczności. Niewiadomą jest finalny obraz następnej rzeczywistości gospodarczej. Jednak warto już teraz dążyć do włączenia polskich przedsiębiorstw w europejskie i światowe łańcuchy dostaw dzięki modernizacji technologicznej ich działalności. W obszarze polityki fiskalnej zamiast konkurować coraz niższymi stawkami i obciążeniami podatkowymi warto rozbudowywać infrastrukturę i instytucje publiczne. W odniesieniu do polityki monetarnej z powodu nieuchronnego wzrostu ryzyka ekonomicznego inwestycji zagranicznych w Polsce warto przyjąć euro i dzięki temu stworzyć bezpieczną perspektywę rozwoju gospodarczego. ; The article focuses on indicating the desired directions of economic policy in Poland against the background of its potential and current conditions. It is assumed that the current condition of the Polish economy was determined by the interaction of the processes of transformation, privatization, globalization and European integration. The last chronological determinants of this state are the crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and Russia's military aggression against Ukraine. These impacts created the threat of stagflation. The growing importance of China and the trade war between that country and the US, ...

The paper presents the differences and similarities in the economic platforms of candidates for presidency of Poland. An attempt is also made to assess which promises made by the candidates in the realm of economy generated support, and which were responsible for the conflicts arising between them. Economic problems were the subject of the electoral declarations of many candidates. Privatization, the tax system and the development of businesses attracted most attention. The visions of the Polish economy presented by the candidates were similar. Only Janusz Korwin-Mikke advocated a minimum of state intervention in economic life. The commercialization of the national health system and agricultural subsidies were the centre of the disputes between Bronisław Komorowski and Jarosław Kaczyński. The fact that the former won a judicial argument about the privatization of the health system did not help him to win over undecided voters, which was clearly evidenced in the opinion polls conducted before the election. Komorowski was elected Poland's president by a small majority. Kaczyński's defeat was due to the fact that he commanded a significant negative electorate. ; The paper presents the differences and similarities in the economic platforms of candidates for presidency of Poland. An attempt is also made to assess which promises made by the candidates in the realm of economy generated support, and which were responsible for the conflicts arising between them. Economic problems were the subject of the electoral declarations of many candidates. Privatization, the tax system and the development of businesses attracted most attention. The visions of the Polish economy presented by the candidates were similar. Only Janusz Korwin-Mikke advocated a minimum of state intervention in economic life. The commercialization of the national health system and agricultural subsidies were the centre of the disputes between Bronisław Komorowski and Jarosław Kaczyński. The fact that the former won a judicial argument about the privatization of the health system did not help him to win over undecided voters, which was clearly evidenced in the opinion polls conducted before the election. Komorowski was elected Poland's president by a small majority. Kaczyński's defeat was due to the fact that he commanded a significant negative electorate.

The author describes the policy change which took place within last years in the economic policy in the most developed countries as well as in Poland. That relates to the relevance of industrial sector in the world economy. During the prevalence of the neoliberal way of thinking in the economic policy it has been regarded as the one in decline. Its neoliberal advocates were convinced that this sector is going to be replaced by the service sector as a growth engine in the world economy. But with 15 years, quit unexpectedly, a belief in the relevance of it collapsed. That resulted from the technological progress in the industrial sector as well as the global economic crises which began in 2008. At present, the economic discourse revolves around the necessity of the modern reindustrialization. This is a challenge for the Polish economic policy as well. In Poland we saw too much deindustrialization within last two decades, which weakened our prospects for development.

The creation of socio-economic policy is not, however, the main domain of the second chamber, especially in those systems, where the model of asymmetric bicameralism is implemented. The limitation of the process of creating economic policy is observable for example in the Czech Republic, where the Senate does not participate in passing of the budget act. Socio-economic policy of the state is not the main scope of interest of the Polish Senate either. The majority of legislative initiatives results in the creation of a new law and it does not raise the subject of socio-economic state policy directly. There are to be found, however, some initiatives that propose changes in the tax system, labour law, social care law or in the area of pensions and annuities. Owing to the legislative initiatives of the Senate accounting chambers and employers' associations were created. While analyzing the role of the Senate in socio-economic state policy the actions of Senate committees, especially of the Budget and Public Finance Committee, the National Economy Committee, the Family and Social Policy Committee, the Agriculture and Rural Development Committee are worth emphasizing. Those committees put forward amendments to the budget act, review the laws passed by the Sejm or international agreements concerning socio-economic policy. Some of the effects of the Polish Senate's committee work is, among many, proposing by the Budget and Public Finance Committee, on behalf of the Senate, a number of amendments to consequent budget acts. It should be stressed, however, that the Senate undermines its role in the field of socio-economic policy. It takes, so to say, additional measures to other activities. A lack of long-term and comprehensive programmes can be seen in those actions. The Senate uses the instruments of government, nevertheless, it does so in moderation.

The author makes an attempt to analyze the Strategy for Responsible Development (SRD), the process of its creation and its place among state policies. He tries to answer the question about its feasibility, degree and direction of the impact of new policies on the social and economic situation. He refers to previous policy-making documents after 1989, with an emphasis on the process of their creation, characteristics and role in the institutional environment. Next, he discusses the process of developing and adopting the SRD. The coherence and the ability to achieve the objectives of the Strategy are examined. Additionally, instruments of the new state policy have been critically evaluated, which has been expanded on selected examples showing system problems with the implementation of SRD policies. The article concludes with proposals addressed to the SRD and future state policies.

The activity of international holding companies has become crucial for the European economy. In particular, attention should to paid to the tax-related issues, which arise out of the cross-border activity of holding companies. Increasingly, holding companies employ aggressive tax optimisation in their strategies. While the tax policies of individual E.U. Member States have turned out to be of little effectiveness, simultaneously, the lack of a common and harmonised tax policy designed to counteract tax optimisation has become a serious problem for the European Union. Therefore, the European Commission strives to develop a fiscal concept which will - on the one hand - allow to effectively combat international tax optimisation adopted by holding companies and - on the other hand - be integral with the internal tax systems of individual Member States.

Since the beginning of the political transition in Poland an unproductive discussion has been continued concerning the role of economic self-government in the system of local government. The current legal regulations do not provide business chambers with the status of public legal unions. They tend to be based on the facultative nature of the ties between entrepreneurs, which is the main cause of the weakness of the Polish economic self-government, or rather the economic quasi-self-government. The consequential structural and programmatic weakness of entrepreneurs' organisation seems to be the major obstacle in creating an effective system of local governance that could equalise the excessively asymmetric relations between the local government and the representation of entrepreneurs. It is beyond doubt that the lack of such structures in the area of public institutions is the main reason for marginalising them by the government and local authorities, which do not see the need to make any concessions for the diffused economic environment. Given this context, the most rational solution seems to be the creation of a common economic self-government, which will be incorporated into the system of public authorities.

The paper aims at investigating the process of international R&D relocation by transnational corporations abroad. The prospective impacts exerted by corporate research units on host countries and the public policy conducted for enhancing innovativeness of national economy are presented. R&D relocation implies FDI inflows by TNCs to host countries aimed at establishing corporate research units (research centers, subsidiaries engaged in research and production) as well as expanding their local ties which generate impacts on national R&D sphere and host economy. "Foreign component" of national research sphere is developed and its characteristics differ from those of domestic research entities. There are possible both favorable and unfavorable impacts exerted by foreign research units on innovativeness of domestic entities and NIS functioning. The host state should influence growth and activity of corporate foreign research units by means of investment policy (towards FDI inflows) and innovation policy (towards TNCs' innovation activity), in both cases serving a long-term strategy for enhancing innovativeness of national economy.

The article presents the problem of fiscal imbalance in the Russian Federation and the mechanisms of its equalization. These mechanisms are one of the key elements of budgetary relations, due to significant differences in the level of economic development of federal subjects, resulting in horizontal and vertical fiscal imbalance. The paper presents the most important mechanisms from the early 90 s. Most attention was paid to the main method of guaranteeing financial security - The Fund for Financial Support of Subjects. Until 2008 an important element of the financial system had been other special funds (eg. The Federal Fund for Regional Development, The Federal Compensation Fund), replaced by intergovernmental grants. The main principles, objectives and implications of these mechanisms were described. Part of the work was dedicated to showing federal entities' dependence on financial transfers from the federal level. The outcome was that equalization results proved to be weak, mechanisms were unstable and not always formalized so as not to be subject to current policy needs.

For much of the 20th century Polish governments heavily regulated foreign trade, but the degree of this influence differed. When Poland became independent in1918, the state took almost complete control over the sector. Atentative liberalization was stopped by the customs war with Germany in1925, and later by the Great Depression. The final years before the Second World War saw an increase inthe state's influence through the exchange control. Regulations became stricter under different conditions inthe post-war period, with the state monopolizing foreign trade entirely. After the end of Stalinism in1956, Poland slowly opened up its economy, but until the 1980s changes were limited inscope. Atrue breakthrough came with the transition, which started in1989. Notonly did the country open up, but inthe coming years, the government ceded some of its powers relating toforeign trade tothe European Union. During the interwar period, as well as after 1989, Poland followed worldwide trends. The communist period was an aberration inthe sense of producing an ineffective system. Both before the war and under the communist regime, foreign trade was expected tobring mostly static gains. This changed significantly only after 1989. ; Wpolskiej polityce handlowej naprzestrzeni ostatnich stu latmożna zaobserwować fluktuacje wstopniu wpływu państwa nawymianę. Zaczęto od niemal pełnej kontroli państwa nad handlem zagranicznym uprogu niepodległości, następnie trend stopniowej liberalizacji został przerwany przez wojnę celną zNiemcami iwielki kryzys, zaś ostatnie lata przed wybuchem drugiej wojny światowej były świadkami ponownego przejęcia kontroli nad handlem zagranicznym przez rozbudowane instytucje państwowe. Wzrost zaangażowania państwa wystąpił wzupełnie innym kontekście pozakończeniu wojny wraz zwprowadzoną przez komunistów monopolizacją wymiany międzynarodowej. Po okresie stalinowskim doszło do odwrócenia kierunku zmian istopniowej liberalizacji wymiany. Początkowo była ona bardzo ograniczona, przyspieszyła jednak wlatach 80., zasadniczy przełom nastąpił zaś wtrakcie transformacji gospodarczej po1989 r. Charakterystyczną konsekwencją integracji gospodarczej następnych latbyło scedowanie wielu instrumentów prowadzenia polityki handlowej nainstytucje międzynarodowe –przede wszystkim zaś naUnię Europejską. Zarówno wczasie Drugiej, jak iTrzeciej Rzeczypospolitej, polityka handlowa prowadzona była zgodnie ztrendami światowymi. Odstępstwem od nich była narzucona zzewnątrz polityka latkomunizmu.