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Økonomisk forskning og debatt: utvalgte artikler 1942-1989
In: Sosiale og økonomiske studier 75
Global helse - nye muligheter eller gammelt nytt?
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 70, Heft 2, S. 227-235
ISSN: 0020-577X
Norsk-engelsk økonomisk-juridisk ordbok
Et liv i krig, fred og utvikling: NUPIs forste femti ar, 1959-2009
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 4, S. 679-744
ISSN: 0020-577X
A long time researcher of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI) discusses the rich history of the institute including changes in its tasks, working methods, publications and leadership. While the model for NUPI has been around since the establishment of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House) in 1920, it took almost four decades before the Norwegian equivalent was finally founded in 1959. In the early years NUPI focused on studying East-West relations, security policy and the UN, but towards the late 20th century this focus shifted towards the research of European policy, developmental policy and international economics. L. Pitkaniemi
Substitusjonsmuligheter mellom energivarer
In: Rapporter fra Statistisk sentralbyrå 79/11
Politisk okonomi i Afrika - mellom formell og uformell struktur
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 2, S. 131-138
ISSN: 0020-577X
Diplopolis - diplomatiet som demokrati: Refleksjoner over ny litteratur
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 73, Heft 1, S. 141-172
ISSN: 0020-577X
Is the classic diplomat one of globalization's many victims? Has foreign policy become an underutilization of domestic politics? We still have an international state system, based on diplomacy as a tool, where dialogue and negotiation between equal players are the axiom, or is it about to dissolve in their regions and religions? How should foreign policy is organized and managed in order to be optimally equipped for global common challenges? These are some of the issues that the sacking stream of books on international politics, economics and diplomacy takes up. One category sheds new light on the bureaucratic state, the global system and the challenges it faces. The Christian Westphalian order has evolved since the mid-1600s, based on sovereignty, strategy and balance of power, but the world is now moving back to something similar to a pre-modern state system, characterized by system clash, legitimacy struggle and the emergence of new powers who want to transform the ground rules, in the worst case, override them completely. Adapted from the source document.
Om atti ar er allting glemt
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 221-230
ISSN: 0020-577X
Explains that the late-2000 recession was mainly due to the fact that politicians, businessmen and economists had forgotten the lessons of the great depression resulting in a moral hazard of overleveraging as big corporations knew that the government would bail them out. The seeds for this economic crisis were already sawn by the stock market bubble in the 1990's that eventually spread into more important sectors due to bad government policies based on neoliberalism. It is important that policy makers see the economic crisis as a possibility and aim at full employment while redesigning the credit system in order to avoid future crises. L. Pitkaniemi
An en gang om en amerikanska "exceptionalismen"
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 2-3, S. 373-382
ISSN: 0020-577X
This article presents the opinion that American exceptionalism has returned post 9/11. It is argued that Ronald Reagan's international relations during the cold war displayed the attitude that power is more important than intellectual, factual, historical, ideological, or moral obligations. The uses of power employed by Americans in international conflicts are compared to the uses of power employed by empires of the past. A historical exploration is included of the development of exceptionalist attitudes from the founding of the US in the 1700's, throughout the continual expansions of the 1800's and into the industrial and military power of the 1900's. It is further argued that American traditions during the early 1900's border on messianism, where the American people are the chosen people, and that Reaganism was a natural extension of these traditions, whereas post Reagan there was no need for American messianism or exceptionalism, and thus American Presidents sought a new world order where the US would participate in integrated global economics and politics in cooperation with other nations. George W. Bush's politics post 9/11 with its war on terror marked the return of American exceptionalism. E. Sundby