Suchergebnisse

In this article the authors describe what forms of political participation, outside the electoral process, the populations of twenty-one European countries tend to employ & to what degree. They identify three types of non-electoral political participation: active-conventional, active-demonstrational, & passive participation. Overall non-electoral political participation is considerably lower in the post-communist & Mediterranean countries than in the Western European & Scandinavian countries. In the latter countries the passive type of political participation is clearly a much stronger form of participation than the other two types. Conversely, in the Mediterranean countries passive participation is weaker & is exceeded in places by the active-conventional type of participation. The Mediterranean area is also notable for the unusually strong presence of the active-demonstrational type of participation. The authors also examine the social micro- & macro-conditions related to these three types of political participation. In conclusion they attempt to address the question of whether there is a connection between political activity & satisfaction with the way democracy works.

В статье раскрывается специфика социального контроля как социального явления. Автор анализирует как исторически изменялся социальный контроль, подходы к его определению, его виды, методы, система применяемых санкций. Особое внимание уделено выявлению источников процесса социального контроля общества.

The article focuses on representatives of the regional (and most recently established) level of government in the Czech Republic. It describes the context behind the emergence of regional governments & how they differ from the local & national political levels. It notes the close personnel connection between local & regional political elites. Experience gained in local politics helps elites to succeed at the regional level. The presence of local politicians in regional government varies with the level of residential fragmentation & the degree of urbanization in the given region. Unlike local politics, which is consistently comprised of a significant proportion of independents, regional representatives are almost exclusively members of political parties & movements. This situation on the one hand serves to increase the politicization of local politics & on the other leads to greater competition within political parties, whose programs & national leadership regional politicians wish to influence.

An article about the origin, evolution and laws of formation of enterprise systems in the social environment of modern industrial society. The author analyzes the fundamental differences between business and enterprise systems, proving the thesis of the monopolistic nature of corporations in the market environment.

The article offers a brief account of the history of Hungarian sociology during four decades of communist rule in Hungary. Beginning with the brief existence of the first department of sociology in Hungary (the 'Szalai Institute', 1946-1948) the author describes the field in the 1950s, when for political reasons sociology was marginalized to the point of extinction. The revival of sociology in Hungary during the 1960s is devoted considerable attention from an institutional, a personal & a doctrinal point of view. The author analyses the main branches of study in Hungarian sociology at the time, including critical sociology & the study of social stratification, which overcame the rigidity of official Marxist-Leninist doctrine. She characterizes the last two decades of state socialism in Hungary as a period when sociology both suffered from increased political repression (stronger in the early 1970s than later) & at the same time became more & more professional. She argues that a determining feature of the history of Hungarian sociology between 1948 & 1989 was its strong connection to politics. However, sociology & politics had a mutual influence on one another during this period, as sociology also had an impact on the way Communist Party officials approached the structure of Hungarian society. In the process, sociology evolved & was professionalized, enabling its existence as an autonomous discipline today.

This article explores the spatial influences that shape the contemporary Czech party system & their consequences for the institutionalization of the party system. First, the regionalization of the party system is measured to identify the specific regional clusters of votes for individual parties. Second, after controlling for the impact of social cleavages, the independent effect of two macro- regions on the differences in voting decisions is analyzed. In the case of Moravia, no such independent effect is evident. Conversely, in the formerly German- inhabited Sudetenland there is an effect on the vote in the case of two parties (KSCM & ODS). The historical reasons for this spatial regime are briefly discussed. Finally, the relative insignificance of spatial regimes in the Czech party system is explained with reference to its high degree of nationalization (the level of spatial heterogeneity in regional voting results). The author employs spatial analytical techniques in the article, such as measures of spatial autocorrelation, the spatial regression model, & the Gini Index. The findings suggest that there is a high degree of spatial institutionalization of the Czech party system & relatively insignificant contextual effects at the macro- regional level.

This paper examines the electoral results of two extreme right-wing parties, namely Národní Strana and Právo a Spravedlnost in the 2006 local elections. The basic method chosen is a comparative study of their electoral results at the level of those municipalities where they were present. Local results for the two political parties are also compared and contrasted with their previous performance in parliamentary elections. Additionally, a longer-term analysis of electoral support for Sdružení pro Republiku – Republikánská strana Československa and its successors present in the above elections will be investigated. The distribution of electoral support will be attributed to selected socioeconomic factors, number of young voters, education, nationality, and number of religious people in society. On this basis the presented text will try to show the interdependence of electoral behaviour.

This is an attempt to give a strictly formal and semantically motivated definition of the syntactic concepts of government, agreement, and adjunction. Government and adjunction are related to the strength of the syntactic connection, which, in its turn, is determined by the comparison of the syntactic representation – the tree – with the semantic one – the graph. If the semantic valency confirms the syntactic dependency the connection is regarded as strong. Government is always a strong connection, whereas adjunction is weak. Both are, however, in conformity with the syntactic tree. Agreement relations may or may not conform to the tree structure and in the former case they can be either strong or weak. A distinction is also made between word and its ending; a syntactic dependency arrow can be directed to or from either of these. Government is primarily a relation from word to ending, secondarily from word to word. Adjunction is directed exclusively from word to word. One type of agreement, the flectional one, is directed from ending to ending, the other type, the semi-flectional, from word to ending. Semiflectional gender agreement is further divided into lexical and referential agreement. As a result of syntactic transformations certain transitions between these connection types can be observed.

The article focuses on the relationship between marital status & life satisfaction in the countries of Europe. The first part of the article discusses subjective evaluations of life satisfaction & the theoretical concepts that explain differences in the levels of life satisfaction according to marital status. The second part of the article is devoted to empirical analyses of data from the European Social Survey (ESS), the results of which indicate that in the countries studied married people tend to be more satisfied with life than others, even though the strength of this effect varies. The differences in the effect of marriage cannot be ascribed to a given society's divorce rate. In some countries the life satisfaction of the cohabiting population is almost as high as for married people, while in other countries it is closer to the level of life satisfaction observed among single people, & in other countries the level of satisfaction of the cohabitating individuals lies midway between married & single people.

Рассматривается механизм содействия занятости молодежи, который включает в себя законодательную базу, гарантирующую трудоустройство молодым людям: систему профессионального образования, адаптированную к потребностям современного рынка труда; принципы организации рабочих мест для молодежи = The article deals with the mechanism of assistance to the youth employment which includes legislative basis. The latter guarantees youth employment, the system of professional education adapted to the needs of the modern labour market and the system of working places for the youth