Suchergebnisse

Previous Western analyses have relied on preexisting social welfare models that neglect the unique & diverse characteristics of East Asian culture, politics, economics, & welfare. Following a brief review of the development & evolution of social welfare systems in Taiwan, South Korea, & Japan, it is suggested that all of these countries share fundamental principles, defined as the Japanese-style social welfare system & characterized by an emphasis on family over state welfare, status-segregation & residual social insurance, & corporate occupational plans for workers. In all of these countries, nation-building is the primary goal of social welfare. Although these states have incorporated a great deal of Western knowledge, Western models have been transformed & synthesized in accordance with East Asian issues, culture, & politics. 92 References. T. Sevier

Data collected as part of the International Social Survey Program, 1991/92, in GB, the US, & Sweden (N = 56% response rate from 1,920 adult citizens, 84% of 1,517, & 63% of 1,453, respectively) are drawn on to compare public attitudes toward the welfare state & its policies in each country, particularly regarding personal taxation in support of welfare services. The three welfare regimes & the characteristics of their tax systems are described, & public attitudes toward income taxation & redistribution are analyzed as a function of social stratification, specifically, along the lines of education, income, & occupational classification. Though general cross-cultural similarities toward progressive taxation are revealed in the aggregate, there is greater variation in terms of the distribution of taxes & government redistribution. 6 Tables, 4 Appendixes, 68 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Examines protest policing as a barometer of the political opportunities available to social movements, drawing on qualitative analysis of secondary sources & case studies of the policing of violent demonstrations in post-WWII Italy & the Federal Republic of Germany. The characteristics, origins, & consequences of protest policing are described to generate hypotheses concerning the nature & significance of the variable for analytic purposes. The selectivity of intervention, amount of force used, timing of intervention, & relative emphasis on respect for lawful procedures vs tolerance for dirty tricks of the police are considered, & the relative impact of institutional vs political cultural variables on police handling of protest is assessed. It is concluded that protest policing is particularly sensitive to the interaction of two opposing coalitions: civil rights & law & order. Finally, it is hypothesized that a more tolerant protest policing style encourages a diffusion of protest, while repressive policing produces shrinking but more radicalized movement groups. D. M. Smith

Following a review of previous research on the relationship between public opinion & public policy & issues regarding the measurement of & influences on public opinion, results of a 1994/95 survey of 1,737 Finnish residents, ages 18-70, regarding the welfare state are compared with those of 529 candidates for the 1995 parliamentary elections & various elites (N = 110 members of parliament [MPs], 70 civil servants, 53 researchers, 107 directors of large companies, & 48 mass media representatives). Multivariate analysis reveals highly significant differences in opinion between citizens & members of the elite, & lesser (though also significant) differences between citizens & political candidates; these differences cannot be attributed to sociodemographic/-economic background factors. Specific attitudes toward entitlement rules regarding pensions & their administration are highlighted. 4 Tables, 2 Appendixes, 54 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

The Liga Kobiet (LK [Women's League]) has promoted women's social, economic, & political status in Poland in a quasi-government capacity since 1945. The establishment, organization, policy influences, & activities of the LK in the context of state-society relations are reviewed. Within the LK, women's interests & needs were defined by state socialism. The state usurped a parafeminist agenda linked to Marxism & constructed a neocorporatist women's movement, which directed discourse in Poland about gender. The consequences of serving women's issues under state socialism has resulted in the inability of Polish women to effectively organize around issues, a distruct of feminism, & a transitional democratic state that is clearly misogynist. M. Pflum

After presenting official statistical data on employment patterns & wage inequalities in Denmark, attitudes toward the welfare state held by three groups -- state nondependents (private-sector employees, the self-employed, & housewives), public employees, & welfare recipients -- are examined, drawing on 1969-1994 election survey data. Factor analysis distinguishes attitudes in terms of (1) basic values or preferences, (2) practical attitudes toward welfare policy implementation, & (3) attitudes toward specific expenditures or issues. Trends in attitudes toward welfare legitimacy are analyzed by political affiliation & labor market position among adults ages 18-59, testing the hypotheses that this legitimacy is challenged by (A) labor market marginalization, which creates a decline in solidarity among the working class, & (B) perceptions of economic feasibility in light of the growing burden of supporting those outside the labor market. It is concluded that the economic problems of the welfare state & their political articulation are more important than divisions between the employed & unemployed. 11 Tables, 1 Figure, 33 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Despite being communist-ruled, the People's Republic of China has experienced sustained economic development, especially since 1978, which has produced new categories of wealthy power holders. However, unlike in other parts of Southeast Asia, these individuals are found in the emerging business classes rather than in the ranks of the professional middle classes. Executives & managers of various economic sectors are particularly identified as significant new wielders of economic power. There is little evidence to indicate that the new rich represent the development of an independent capitalism, as the state continues to both control the conditions of operation for most enterprises & structure ownership & control in the economy as a whole. As economic growth & development continue, & as capitalist enterprises expand, it is forecast that other categories of new rich will develop & maintain a close relationship with the party-state. D. M. Smith

A number of ministries in the French government have contributed to policy setting in the women's rights area, with administrative mechanisms backing them up since 1978. These offices have been highly politicized & marginalized, & their record of effectiveness is mixed. It is argued that the limited effectiveness is due to the absence of strong societal support for agencies specializing in women. To illustrate, the evolution of the Ministry of the Rights of Women (MDF) 1981-1986 is described. The MDF was established in 1981 under the feminist politics of the governing party, not becaue of societal demands. It was oriented toward employment, professinal training, information, & legislation, though the legislation it promoted had little long-lasting impact. Since the influence of these specific offices has been constrained, the reforms in women's rights generated through their efforts have been symbolic rather than material. M. Pflum

Of the women's policy machinery mechanisms in the fourteen advanced industrialized societies reviewed in this book (see abstract of book & chapters in IRPS No. 86), all but Poland advance feminist political goals to change the status of women in relation to men, & have some influence in the development & implementation of policy to this end. An analytical typology is presented that explains the variation in the states' political machineries to achieve feminist goals. The typology dichotomizes twelve cases (excluding Poland & Spain) by level of policy access & level of policy influences. When positive presence of any of the four conditions for effective promotion of women's status is lacking -- politics of establishment, organizational forms, conceptions of state, & politics of the women's movement -- the ability of state feminist offices to influence policy on equality & give women's groups access to policy making is constrained. High levels of state feminism accrue in the state, defined as sites of social justice, with widely supported feminist organizations working through radical & reform politics. 1 Appendix, 375 References. M. Pflum

Examines how the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) was able to convince states to adopt humanitarian rules of war laid out by the first Geneva Convention. Exploration of the theoretical arguments underlying humanitarian principles focuses on their desirability from an individual perspective, as well as the threat they pose to sovereignty & traditional understandings about international politics. A world-cultural argument is used to explain the context in which the Red Cross succeeded, arguing that functional & interest-related explanations are insufficient. War is viewed as an organized cultural institution with changing rules &, since state & personal survival conflict during war, other social/cultural values are needed to motivate soldiers to risk their lives. Cultural models also determine the "right" way to fight, & these rules of war have become increasingly globalized. An overview is presented of the origin, content, & spread of the rules of warfare contained in the Geneva Conventions, maintaining that the worldview & moral code expressed in this early period impacted all subsequent ICRC humanitarian efforts. J. Lindroth

Explores the intersection of North American right-to-life discourse with cultural notions of the fetus & infant in rural Ecuador, where neither priests nor laypersons see a connection between fetal personhood & the morality of abortion. Perceptions of the fetus as the mysterious, sometimes dangerous, spirit of an unbaptized being permits varied beliefs about early abortion. The history of the US abortion debate is traced, arguing that current pro-life views do not represent "natural" or "universal" notions, but stem from political circumstances & social practices linked to specific historical/cultural contexts. It is contended that the Ecuadorian view allows for greater ambiguity, which is mirrored in social practice. The concept of auca (quasi-person) is discussed in relation to fetuses/newborns as a way that rural Catholics can accept the contradiction between the practice of abortion & Roman Catholic dictates. It is suggested that advanced biomedical technologies like the ultrasound, accompanied by the input of North American Protestant fundamentalism, may work together to bring rural people to view the fetus as a person. 28 References. J. Lindroth

Argues that one of the most dramatic developments in Eurasian politics in recent years has been a massive shift at both elite & mass levels toward state-seeking attitudes & behaviors. Since the breakup of the USSR in 1989, state-seeking activities have expanded across the broad range of ethnic groups in this region, & it is suggested that this is closely connected to the emergence of a generalized crisis of the state in the USSR in which fundamental questions of sovereignty were raised. This condition was accompanied by a remaking of national consciousness in which groups previously denied access to the state began to clamor for change. State-seeking behaviors are also connected to the particular regional legacy of state-building & empire-building. It is concluded that the state-seeking behavior produced by these conditions is likely to make the long-term creation of stable polities difficult. 3 Figures. D. M. Smith

The history & current state of the analytical interactions between youth culture & anthropology are discussed in an introduction to Youth Cultures (see related abstracts). Although men, & more recently women & children, have received a great deal of anthropological attention, this discipline has consistently ignored or undermined the cultural roles & contributions of youths. Drawing on the experiences of diverse minority & mainstream youth throughout the world, these essays move beyond the traditional deviance & resistance biases of past youth-oriented studies. Contrary to popular thought & theory, it is argued that youth not only learn culture but also construct & transform the meanings & symbols that provide the foundation for cultures, & exert a great deal of cultural agency in both the public & private realms. The theoretical foundations & insights of the collected essays are discussed. 50 References. T. Sevier