Suchergebnisse

Over the last decade the issues concerning higher education quality and its assurance have become very important in European countries therefore the aim of this article is to carry out a comparative analysis of conditions that determined introduction of accreditation process in Western and Central / Eastern European countries and to discuss Lithuania's case. Methods: literature analysis, document analysis, causative – comparative analysis. First of all the experience of European countries in the field of introduction of higher education accreditation is analysed. In the second part the influence of Bologna process on the expansion of accreditation process is presented. In the second part Lithuania's case is discussed. The conclusions are presented in the end of the article. Having analysed the experience of European countries in the field of higher education quality assurance, it can be stated that Western and Central / Eastern European countries chose different ways and time for introduction of accreditation process because of different political, social, and cultural situations. The demand for accreditation procedures gained extreme importance in Europe after the acceptance of The Bologna declaration. Nevertheless quality assurance was not the strong point of Bologna declaration, further documents of this process and its initiated reforms filled in the gap paying enormous attention to the aspects of quality and naming accreditation as one of the possible ways to assure quality Lithuania adopted accreditation together with most Central / Eastern European countries during the first generation of implementation of accreditation mechanisms.

Over the last decade the issues concerning higher education quality and its assurance have become very important in European countries therefore the aim of this article is to carry out a comparative analysis of conditions that determined introduction of accreditation process in Western and Central / Eastern European countries and to discuss Lithuania's case. Methods: literature analysis, document analysis, causative – comparative analysis. First of all the experience of European countries in the field of introduction of higher education accreditation is analysed. In the second part the influence of Bologna process on the expansion of accreditation process is presented. In the second part Lithuania's case is discussed. The conclusions are presented in the end of the article. Having analysed the experience of European countries in the field of higher education quality assurance, it can be stated that Western and Central / Eastern European countries chose different ways and time for introduction of accreditation process because of different political, social, and cultural situations. The demand for accreditation procedures gained extreme importance in Europe after the acceptance of The Bologna declaration. Nevertheless quality assurance was not the strong point of Bologna declaration, further documents of this process and its initiated reforms filled in the gap paying enormous attention to the aspects of quality and naming accreditation as one of the possible ways to assure quality Lithuania adopted accreditation together with most Central / Eastern European countries during the first generation of implementation of accreditation mechanisms.

Maritime education and training (MET) in Lithuania has deep historical roots. The place, name and jurisdiction of Lithuanian MET institutions have been changed several times. The first seamen examination institution in Klaipėda was founded in 1811. Nowadays there are two higher MET institutions, having basic programs leading to deck and engineering officer watchkeeping certificate: Lithuanian Maritime College and Klaipėda University Maritime Institute. These two high schools are among 96 EU MET institutions. There are 165 MET institutions in EU (25 countries), Norway and Iceland, 69 of them provide education and training for rating and other maritime specialists, offer short courses, researches and other services for maritime industry. MET institutions have different institutional structures and administration. They can be organized as universities, academies, colleges, vocational, technical schools, and higher polytechnics, state-owned and private. 25% are maritime academies (universities), 23% are faculties or departments in polytechnics, and colleges are 46% of all EU MET institutions leading to certificate of competence. The academic degree (bachelor, master) together with the maritime certificate is provided in some of EU countries. MET in Lithuania (also in the other EU countries) is provided in accordance to legal acts of three levels: international (world wide) legal acts, international (Europe Union) legal acts and national legal acts, which set norms for academic. [to full text]

Maritime education and training (MET) in Lithuania has deep historical roots. The place, name and jurisdiction of Lithuanian MET institutions have been changed several times. The first seamen examination institution in Klaipėda was founded in 1811. Nowadays there are two higher MET institutions, having basic programs leading to deck and engineering officer watchkeeping certificate: Lithuanian Maritime College and Klaipėda University Maritime Institute. These two high schools are among 96 EU MET institutions. There are 165 MET institutions in EU (25 countries), Norway and Iceland, 69 of them provide education and training for rating and other maritime specialists, offer short courses, researches and other services for maritime industry. MET institutions have different institutional structures and administration. They can be organized as universities, academies, colleges, vocational, technical schools, and higher polytechnics, state-owned and private. 25% are maritime academies (universities), 23% are faculties or departments in polytechnics, and colleges are 46% of all EU MET institutions leading to certificate of competence. The academic degree (bachelor, master) together with the maritime certificate is provided in some of EU countries. MET in Lithuania (also in the other EU countries) is provided in accordance to legal acts of three levels: international (world wide) legal acts, international (Europe Union) legal acts and national legal acts, which set norms for academic. [to full text]

Maritime education and training (MET) in Lithuania has deep historical roots. The place, name and jurisdiction of Lithuanian MET institutions have been changed several times. The first seamen examination institution in Klaipėda was founded in 1811. Nowadays there are two higher MET institutions, having basic programs leading to deck and engineering officer watchkeeping certificate: Lithuanian Maritime College and Klaipėda University Maritime Institute. These two high schools are among 96 EU MET institutions. There are 165 MET institutions in EU (25 countries), Norway and Iceland, 69 of them provide education and training for rating and other maritime specialists, offer short courses, researches and other services for maritime industry. MET institutions have different institutional structures and administration. They can be organized as universities, academies, colleges, vocational, technical schools, and higher polytechnics, state-owned and private. 25% are maritime academies (universities), 23% are faculties or departments in polytechnics, and colleges are 46% of all EU MET institutions leading to certificate of competence. The academic degree (bachelor, master) together with the maritime certificate is provided in some of EU countries. MET in Lithuania (also in the other EU countries) is provided in accordance to legal acts of three levels: international (world wide) legal acts, international (Europe Union) legal acts and national legal acts, which set norms for academic. [to full text]

Maritime education and training (MET) in Lithuania has deep historical roots. The place, name and jurisdiction of Lithuanian MET institutions have been changed several times. The first seamen examination institution in Klaipėda was founded in 1811. Nowadays there are two higher MET institutions, having basic programs leading to deck and engineering officer watchkeeping certificate: Lithuanian Maritime College and Klaipėda University Maritime Institute. These two high schools are among 96 EU MET institutions. There are 165 MET institutions in EU (25 countries), Norway and Iceland, 69 of them provide education and training for rating and other maritime specialists, offer short courses, researches and other services for maritime industry. MET institutions have different institutional structures and administration. They can be organized as universities, academies, colleges, vocational, technical schools, and higher polytechnics, state-owned and private. 25% are maritime academies (universities), 23% are faculties or departments in polytechnics, and colleges are 46% of all EU MET institutions leading to certificate of competence. The academic degree (bachelor, master) together with the maritime certificate is provided in some of EU countries. MET in Lithuania (also in the other EU countries) is provided in accordance to legal acts of three levels: international (world wide) legal acts, international (Europe Union) legal acts and national legal acts, which set norms for academic. [to full text]

In the article contradictions in the policy of education towards the pre-school education and child-care are revealed. Ministry of Education and Science, which is responsible for policy of education, including policy of development of pre-school education, underestimates the importance of social functions of pre-school education. Legal acts on the pre-school education do not take into accont the function of fully-day care for children which allows their parents (and especially - single parent) to reconcile family and work obligations.

In the article contradictions in the policy of education towards the pre-school education and child-care are revealed. Ministry of Education and Science, which is responsible for policy of education, including policy of development of pre-school education, underestimates the importance of social functions of pre-school education. Legal acts on the pre-school education do not take into accont the function of fully-day care for children which allows their parents (and especially - single parent) to reconcile family and work obligations.

In the article contradictions in the policy of education towards the pre-school education and child-care are revealed. Ministry of Education and Science, which is responsible for policy of education, including policy of development of pre-school education, underestimates the importance of social functions of pre-school education. Legal acts on the pre-school education do not take into accont the function of fully-day care for children which allows their parents (and especially - single parent) to reconcile family and work obligations.

In the article contradictions in the policy of education towards the pre-school education and child-care are revealed. Ministry of Education and Science, which is responsible for policy of education, including policy of development of pre-school education, underestimates the importance of social functions of pre-school education. Legal acts on the pre-school education do not take into accont the function of fully-day care for children which allows their parents (and especially - single parent) to reconcile family and work obligations.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the development of relations between Russia and the two Western power centres, the United States of America and the European Union, in 2003 – 2004. It goes without saying that it would be quite problematic and risky to formulate an unequivocal evaluation of this dynamic phenomenon. The author, however, sought to identify and determine the key trends of development. This was done through a search for answers to more specific questions: what was the strategy of Russia's foreign policy, how did it interact with the goals and aspirations of the USA and EU, and, finally, toward what – convergence or alienation – did evolve the dialogue between the global power centres that are of greatest importance for the Central and Eastern European countries. These tasks have dictated the trinomial structure of the paper. The first part deals with the changes in the Russian foreign policy strategy in recent years. It shows how, upon sensible assessment of its opportunities, Russia abandoned its former rush-about and concentrated on the inclusion of the CIS states (the Ukraine in particular) in its political orbit. The second and the third part of the paper analyse the peculiarities and ups and downs of Russia's relations with the USA and the EU respectively. Despite certain variations, the development of these relations increasingly shows signs of alienation and cooling, which were partly masked by the intention of the EU larger Member States, in particular of the Germany, to maintain good relations with Russia at any cost. Finally, a brief overview of the culminating event in the Russian–Western relations – the Ukrainian "orange revolution" – is presented at the end of the paper, supplemented by a broader summarisation of the period under consideration. The underlying idea of the summary is that the so-called "value gap" has been widening in the Russian-Western relations in recent years.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the development of relations between Russia and the two Western power centres, the United States of America and the European Union, in 2003 – 2004. It goes without saying that it would be quite problematic and risky to formulate an unequivocal evaluation of this dynamic phenomenon. The author, however, sought to identify and determine the key trends of development. This was done through a search for answers to more specific questions: what was the strategy of Russia's foreign policy, how did it interact with the goals and aspirations of the USA and EU, and, finally, toward what – convergence or alienation – did evolve the dialogue between the global power centres that are of greatest importance for the Central and Eastern European countries. These tasks have dictated the trinomial structure of the paper. The first part deals with the changes in the Russian foreign policy strategy in recent years. It shows how, upon sensible assessment of its opportunities, Russia abandoned its former rush-about and concentrated on the inclusion of the CIS states (the Ukraine in particular) in its political orbit. The second and the third part of the paper analyse the peculiarities and ups and downs of Russia's relations with the USA and the EU respectively. Despite certain variations, the development of these relations increasingly shows signs of alienation and cooling, which were partly masked by the intention of the EU larger Member States, in particular of the Germany, to maintain good relations with Russia at any cost. Finally, a brief overview of the culminating event in the Russian–Western relations – the Ukrainian "orange revolution" – is presented at the end of the paper, supplemented by a broader summarisation of the period under consideration. The underlying idea of the summary is that the so-called "value gap" has been widening in the Russian-Western relations in recent years.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the development of relations between Russia and the two Western power centres, the United States of America and the European Union, in 2003 – 2004. It goes without saying that it would be quite problematic and risky to formulate an unequivocal evaluation of this dynamic phenomenon. The author, however, sought to identify and determine the key trends of development. This was done through a search for answers to more specific questions: what was the strategy of Russia's foreign policy, how did it interact with the goals and aspirations of the USA and EU, and, finally, toward what – convergence or alienation – did evolve the dialogue between the global power centres that are of greatest importance for the Central and Eastern European countries. These tasks have dictated the trinomial structure of the paper. The first part deals with the changes in the Russian foreign policy strategy in recent years. It shows how, upon sensible assessment of its opportunities, Russia abandoned its former rush-about and concentrated on the inclusion of the CIS states (the Ukraine in particular) in its political orbit. The second and the third part of the paper analyse the peculiarities and ups and downs of Russia's relations with the USA and the EU respectively. Despite certain variations, the development of these relations increasingly shows signs of alienation and cooling, which were partly masked by the intention of the EU larger Member States, in particular of the Germany, to maintain good relations with Russia at any cost. Finally, a brief overview of the culminating event in the Russian–Western relations – the Ukrainian "orange revolution" – is presented at the end of the paper, supplemented by a broader summarisation of the period under consideration. The underlying idea of the summary is that the so-called "value gap" has been widening in the Russian-Western relations in recent years.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the development of relations between Russia and the two Western power centres, the United States of America and the European Union, in 2003 – 2004. It goes without saying that it would be quite problematic and risky to formulate an unequivocal evaluation of this dynamic phenomenon. The author, however, sought to identify and determine the key trends of development. This was done through a search for answers to more specific questions: what was the strategy of Russia's foreign policy, how did it interact with the goals and aspirations of the USA and EU, and, finally, toward what – convergence or alienation – did evolve the dialogue between the global power centres that are of greatest importance for the Central and Eastern European countries. These tasks have dictated the trinomial structure of the paper. The first part deals with the changes in the Russian foreign policy strategy in recent years. It shows how, upon sensible assessment of its opportunities, Russia abandoned its former rush-about and concentrated on the inclusion of the CIS states (the Ukraine in particular) in its political orbit. The second and the third part of the paper analyse the peculiarities and ups and downs of Russia's relations with the USA and the EU respectively. Despite certain variations, the development of these relations increasingly shows signs of alienation and cooling, which were partly masked by the intention of the EU larger Member States, in particular of the Germany, to maintain good relations with Russia at any cost. Finally, a brief overview of the culminating event in the Russian–Western relations – the Ukrainian "orange revolution" – is presented at the end of the paper, supplemented by a broader summarisation of the period under consideration. The underlying idea of the summary is that the so-called "value gap" has been widening in the Russian-Western relations in recent years.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the development of relations between Russia and the two Western power centres, the United States of America and the European Union, in 2003 – 2004. It goes without saying that it would be quite problematic and risky to formulate an unequivocal evaluation of this dynamic phenomenon. The author, however, sought to identify and determine the key trends of development. This was done through a search for answers to more specific questions: what was the strategy of Russia's foreign policy, how did it interact with the goals and aspirations of the USA and EU, and, finally, toward what – convergence or alienation – did evolve the dialogue between the global power centres that are of greatest importance for the Central and Eastern European countries. These tasks have dictated the trinomial structure of the paper. The first part deals with the changes in the Russian foreign policy strategy in recent years. It shows how, upon sensible assessment of its opportunities, Russia abandoned its former rush-about and concentrated on the inclusion of the CIS states (the Ukraine in particular) in its political orbit. The second and the third part of the paper analyse the peculiarities and ups and downs of Russia's relations with the USA and the EU respectively. Despite certain variations, the development of these relations increasingly shows signs of alienation and cooling, which were partly masked by the intention of the EU larger Member States, in particular of the Germany, to maintain good relations with Russia at any cost. Finally, a brief overview of the culminating event in the Russian–Western relations – the Ukrainian "orange revolution" – is presented at the end of the paper, supplemented by a broader summarisation of the period under consideration. The underlying idea of the summary is that the so-called "value gap" has been widening in the Russian-Western relations in recent years.