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Straipsnyje pateikiamas konceptualus pagrindas, kuris naudojamas nagrinejant pokycius Lietuvoje per desimt narystes Europos Sajungoje metu. Teigiama, kad, norint juos ivertinti ir paaiskinti, neuztenka naudotis klasikinemis europeizacijos teorijomis. Todel siuloma i europeizacija zvelgti platesniame vystymosi teoriju kontekste. Tokiam prapletimui naudojama Douglasso C. Northo, Johno Josepho Walliso ir Barry R. Weingasto teorija, kuri apibrezia perejima nuo prigimtines valstybes prie atviros prieigos santvarkos ir sio perejimo salygas Paper presents conceptual framework used to assess Europeanization in Lithuania during the last 10 years across the classical to Europeanization literature dimensions of polity, politics and policy. Author argues that because usually consequences of Europeanization are fragmented and hardly possible to generalize, therefore, it is wise to look at the new EU member states, where this impact was concentrated. Author states that Europeanization theory has to be complemented by additional approaches accounting for a domestic change. Therefore, Europeanization is put into a broader development studies. Theory of development produced by Douglass C. North, John Joseph Wallis and Barry R. Weingast serves as a theoretical framework in the research. This developmental approach puts an emphasis on the role of elites, state capture and broader transformation of the society and thus focuses and complements the current theory of Europeanization. It also provides a framework to analyse the issue of corruption and state capture, which is no longer considered as a deviation, but rather as a norm. Adapted from the source document.

Straipsnyje nagrinejama Lietuvos geroves valstybes raida saliai istojus i Europos Sajunga (ES). Teksta sudaro trys dalys. Teorineje dalyje ivertinamas dvieju ilgalaikiu valstybe strukturuojanciu procesu - pokomunistines transformacijos ir europeizacijos - santykis. Antrojoje dalyje analizuojami viesojo diskurso pokyciai siekiant issiaiskinti, ar ir kiek skirta demesio geroves valstybes pertvarkai Lietuvoje pasiekus pagrindinius euroatlantines integracijos tikslus. Galiausiai, remiantis 'socialiniu investiciju' koncepcija, bus siekiama parodyti, kiek Lietuvos geroves valstybes raida atliepia europines tendencijas. Pagrindine tyrimo isvada yra ta, kad geroves valstybes raida islieka inertiska, nors finansavimo salygos istojus i ES is tiesu gerejo. Be to, palyginti su gretimomis ES salimis naremis, skiriama maziau demesio toms geroves politikoms, kurios galetu duoti didziausia 'investicine graza'. Taip pat labiau orientuojamasi i tretini paslaugu lygmeni. Tokia situacija pirmiausia aiskintina trimis veiksniais: ekonominio saugumo prioriteto islaikymu, partine poliarizacija ir istorine logika, kuria diktuoja jau susikloste galios santykiai The article analyses the development of the Lithuanian welfare state after the country joined the EU. The text consists of three parts. In a theoretical part one evaluates interrelation of two long-term state-structuring processes, i.e. post-communist transformation and Europeanisation. In the second part, the changes of the public discourse are analysed in order to evaluate, if and how much attention is paid for the reforms of the welfare state in Lithuania after the main goals of Euro-Atlantic integration have been reached. Finally, under the concept of 'social investment state', one seeks to evaluate, how much the evolution of Lithuanian welfare state reflects the European trends. The main conclusion of analysis is that the development of welfare state remains inert despite the fact that financial conditions after the access to the EU have indeed improved. Besides, in comparison with the neighbouring EU member states, Lithuania pays less attention to those welfare policies that may bring the biggest 'return on investment'. The system is also more oriented towards the tertiary level. Such situation is firstly to be explained by three factors - the overall strength of economic security as the main political priority, party polarisation and historical logic dictated by the established power relations. Adapted from the source document.

Straipsnyje keliami du tarpusavyje susije klausimai. Pirma, kokia yra Baltijos valstybiu vieta Rusijos saugumo vaizdiniuose. Antra, kaip Balti-jos valstybes susidoroja su neigiamu Rusijos suvokimu. Siame straipsnyje teigiama, kad Rusijos ir triju Baltijos valstybiu abipusio reprezentavimo ir saveikos problemas geriausiai galima suprasti atskleidziant siu valstybiu erdves suvokima, kuris visu pirma formuoja poziuri i artimiausia aplinka, taigi ir savo kaimynus. Sis suvokimas, kylantis ir is istoriniu reprezentaci-ju, pagrindzia ir pateikia issamu, objektyvizuota saves ir 'kito' suvokima. Taigi siekiama parodyti, kaip itemptus ir nepasitikejimo kupinus Rusijos ir triju Baltijos valstybiu santykius veikia susiduriantys ir konfliktuojantys savo vietos tarptautineje politikoje apibudinimai ir is ju kylantys veiksmai. Si ide-ja straipsnyje atskleidziama, pirma, ispletojant teorines prielaidas, kad yra teritorijos, tapatybes ir sienu rysys, ir is to kylancius kaimynystes analizes principus, antra, parodant, kaip Rusija ir trys Baltijos valstybes savo uzsie-nio politika isreiskia, formuluoja ir dar karta itvirtina savo erdvini tapatybini pasaulevaizdi. Isvadose parodoma, kaip skirtingu ir vienas kita neutralizuoti bandanciu pasaulevaizdziu susidurimas formuoja dvisales The article raises two interconnected questions: first, what is the place of three Baltic States in Russia's security image, and second, how Baltic States cope with their own negative perception of Russia. The proposed idea is that the problems of mutual representation and interaction can be understood analysing the conceptualisations of space, which influences the way in which the closest environment, including the neighbours, is approached. This representation, together with historical narratives, formulates and justifies the comprehensive, consistent, and objectivised self and the other. Thus, the goal is to show how the tense relations between Russia and Baltic States, full of mistrust, can be explained as a clash between two conflicting geo-spatial views. This idea is developed, first, by presenting the theoretical assumptions on the relation among territory, identity, and borders and the principles of the neighbourhood analysis, and second, by demonstrating how the spatial representation by Russia and Baltic States is formulated and supported in their spatial identity and foreign policy practices. In the conclusions, the answer is given as to how this clash between the two different and competing understandings is reflected in the bilateral interactions and how these insights allow contributing to the analysis of the foreign policy of the states. Adapted from the source document.

Straipsnyje aptariamas Lietuvos prisijungimas prie euro zonos, ivertinant pirmojo nesekmingo bandymo tai padaryti 2007 m. ir antrojo rezultatyvaus bandymo isivesti eura nuo 2015 m. priezastis ir politines ekonomijos aiskinimus. Siekiama atskleisti su dalyvavimu euro zonoje susijusius teisinius ir institucinius pokycius, pavyzdziui, nemazoritariniu instituciju stiprejima, analizuojamos pinigu politikos sasajos su biudzeto ir darbo rinkos reguliavimo politikos sritimis. Teigiama, jog, nors sparciam Lietuvos prisijungimui prie euro zonos tinkamas salygas sudare valiutu valdybos modelio ir fiksuoto valiutos kurso egzistavimas, del politinio sutarimo trukumo ir nesuderintu skirtingu, bet fiksuoto kurso salygomis funkciskai susijusiu viesosios politikos priemoniu, ypac artejant Seimo rinkimams, euro ivedimas buvo atidetas desimciai metu nuo istojimo i ES ir Lietuva si tiksla realizavo paskutine is triju Baltijos saliu. Pasakytina, kad del skirtingu pinigu politikos ir valiutos keitimo kursu rezimu Baltijos salyse ir Lenkijoje pirmosiose euro isivedimas tapo svarbiausiu isejimo is krizes zingsniu, o pastarojoje po 2009 m. stojimas i euro zona buvo atidetas neribotam laikui. Svarbiausias elito motyvas prisijungti prie euro zonos yra susijes su ekonomine nauda, kurios tikimasi isivedus eura, is maziau svarbiu motyvu paminetini 'vieta prie stalo', t. y. dalyvavimas priimant sprendimus euro zonoje, ir gilesne integracija kaip priemone apsisaugoti nuo isores gresmiu The article discusses Lithuania's accession into the euro zone, first, by presenting the political economy analysis of the first unsuccessful attempt to introduce euro in 2007 and then comparing it with the second, successful attempt to do that in 2015. It is argued that although the existence of a currency board reduced uncertainty linked to the fluctuating exchange rate regime and facilitated the participation in the Exchange rate mechanism II, due to the lack of political consensus in the country and misaligned monetary and budgetary and regulatory policies, in particular as Parliamentary elections approached, the actual accession into the euro zone was achieved only ten years after joining the EU and Lithuania was the last of the three Baltic States to accomplish that. According to the survey of political elites in Lithuania conducted for this project, the main motive for joining the euro zone is mostly linked to the perceived economic benefits, while the 'seat at the table', i.e., the possibility to participate in the decision-making of the euro zone and security benefits from being part of the core member states of the EU are less important. Adapted from the source document.

Straipsnio tikslas - nustatyti, kokia itaka demokratijos veikimo verti-nimui ir pasitikejimui parlamentu daro politiniai veiksniai - partines siste-mos fragmentacija, poliarizacija ir valdanciosios koalicijos dydis. Tyrime, apimanciame desimt Vidurio ir Rytu Europos saliu nuo 1991 iki 2011 m., ivertinamas ir dvieju ekonominiu veiksniu - ekonomikos augimo ir nedarbo lygio - poveikis politines paramos rodikliams. Stipriausias statistinis rysys nustatytas tarp nedarbo lygio ir pasitenkinimo demokratija: kuo daugiau ne-turinciuju darbo, tuo maziau teigiamai vertinanciuju demokratijos veikima. Taip pat paaiskejo, kad demokratijos veikimo vertinimui neigiamai atsiliepia mazas parlamentiniu partiju skaicius ir dideles valdanciosios koalicijos. Pasi-tikejimas parlamentu buvo mazesnis tais atvejais, kai ideologiniai skirtumai tarp parlamentiniu partiju buvo dideli, ir tuomet, kai ekonomika traukesi arba augo tik labai nedaug. Ketvirtoje straipsnio dalyje siekiama nustatyti, kodel dideles valdanciosios koalicijos veda prie mazesnio patenkintuju demokrati-ja procento. Cekijos ir Bulgarijos lyginamoji analize parode, kad didele val-dancioji koalicija apriboja parlamento politini vaidmeni, sudaro palankias salygas grieztai ir nepopuliariai ekonominei politikai vykdyti ir palieka di-dele rinkeju dali be priimtinu politiniu alternatyvu. Siu politinio gyvenimo reiskiniu visuma didina nepasitenkinima demokratijos veikimu The article examines the effect of parliamentary fragmentation, polarization and ruling coalition size on satisfaction with democracy and trust in parliament. Statistical analysis, encompassing 10 CEE countries from 1991 to 2011, is used to measure the impact of political factors, while the effect of economic growth and unemployment rate is also evaluated. The strongest finding suggests that there is a negative relation between unemployment rate and satisfaction with democracy. Furthermore, satisfaction with a political regime is undermined by a small number of parliamentary parties and large ruling coalitions. Trust in parliament tends to be lower when ideological differences among parliamentary parties are sizable, as well as at the times of economic recession or marginal growth. Fourth section of the article deals with the question of why large ruling coalitions lead to lower satisfaction with democracy. A comparative analysis of political realities in the Czech Republic and Bulgaria has shown that a large ruling coalition diminishes the political role of parliament, provides a strong ground for the implementation of a strict and unpopular economic policy and leads to the lack of viable political alternatives in the ranks of parliamentary opposition. The complex of these political phenomena contributes to the low satisfaction with democracy. Adapted from the source document.

Straipsnio objektas yra pokyciai Lietuvoje ir ju vertinimas is visuomenes ir elito perspektyvos. Todel pirmojoje dalyje, naudojantis pokycius ekonomikos, visuomenes ir valdymo srityse fiksuojanciais ivairiais rodikliais ir indeksais, yra apibudinami pagrindiniai bendrieji pokyciai Lietuvoje 2004-2014 m. Jie rodo sparcia Lietuvos ekonomine konvergencija su Europos Sajunga, didesne aukstaji ir vidurini issimokslinima igijusiu Lietuvos gyventoju dali ir pailgejusius sveiko gyvenimo metus, taciau taip pat stagnacija daugumos strukturiniu ilgalaike pazanga lemianciu rodikliu atzvilgiu. Straipsnyje taip pat nagrinejama paskutinio desimtmecio viesosios politikos kaita ir jos pokyciu saltiniai. Daroma isvada, jog, nepaisant galimybiu po 2004 m. nacionalizuoti viesosios politikos darbotvarke, joje ir toliau svar biavieta uzima ES klausimai, o pokycius viesojoje politikoje lyginant su laikotarpiu pries stojant i ES, jie buvo mazesni. Antroji straipsnio dalis analizuoja, kaip pokycius Lietuvoje vertina gyventojai ir elitas ir koks siu vertinimu santykis. Lietuvos politinio elito apklausos duomenys parode, jog elitas didziausius ir labai teigiamus pokycius 2004-2014 m. mato esant valstybes tarnybos gebejimu srityje ir igyvendinant vienodo teises aktu taikymo principa. Visuomene pokycius vertina pesimistiskiau, egzistuoja visuomenes ir elito vertinimu atotrukis. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad pesimistines gyventoju nuotaikas lemia del ES paramos reiksmingai nepasikeitusi visuomenes nelygybes struktura ir neispildyti dideli gyventoju ekonominiai lukesciai. Be to, gavus ES strukturine parama padidejes Lietuvos biudzetas dar paskatino valstybes uzgrobima ir korupcija, del kuriu tikrojo ir isivaizduojamo masto visuomene yra pesimistiskesne ir bendruju pokyciu atzvilgiu The object of the article is changes in Lithuania during the EU membership period and the perception of them in the eyes of the elite and Lithuanian society. It reviews the main general changes in economics, society, and governance in 2004-2014 using various indicators and indexes. Furthermore, public policy development analysis states that despite the fact that after accession in 2004 there were opportunities to nationalize public policy agenda, it was still dominated by the EU related questions. In the second section authors compare attitudes towards changes between Lithuanian elite members and Lithuanian society. Article argues that Lithuanian society tends to evaluate the same changes rather differently and its attitudes are more pessimistic. Therefore, based on process tracing methodology, the authors explain how unfulfilled high economic expectations contributed to distrust of political institutions, high perception of corruption, low turnout, and migration. In addition, it is also argued that financial support of the EU stimulated state capture initiatives and corruption in Lithuania which also contributed to the pessimistic evaluations of changes by society. Adapted from the source document.

Siame ivadiniame straipsnyje pristatomi specialiojo 'Politologijos' numerio tiriamieji klausimai ir turinys, taip pat pateikiamas bendras analizes pagrindas, kuri taikant nagrinejama, kokie veiksniai gali paaiskinti vadovu kaita ir politizacija skirtingose Lietuvos viesojo sektoriaus organizaciju (agenturu, valstybes valdomu imoniu, asmens sveikatos prieziuros ir svietimo istaigu) grupese. Palyginus visu straipsniu rezultatus nustatyta, kad viesojo sektoriaus organizaciju vadovu kaita geriausiai paaiskina valdanciosios daugumos ir vyriausybiu pokyciai, o politizacija - politiniu partiju dalyvavimas valdzioje, ju tinklai ir politiku isitikinimai. Taciau asmens sveikatos prieziuros ir svietimo istaigu grupese, kurioms budinga didesne politizacija, yra statistinis rysys tarp vadovu stabilumo ir politizacijos. Valstybes tarnybos reglamentavimo bei teisiniu nuostatu igyvendinimo uztikrinimo veiksnys nera labai reiksmingas - tai daro itaka tik ribotam istaigu prie ministeriju vadovu skaiciui. Pagaliau aiskinant politizacijos skirtumus gana svarbus yra tokie viesojo administravimo veiksniai kaip politinis valdymo sriciu jautrumas ir finansiniai organizaciju istekliai This introductory article presents the common research questions of this special issue and offers a joint framework for analysing the change and politicisation of the senior levels of management of different groups of Lithuanian public sector organisations (agencies, state-owned enterprises, personal health care organisations and educational organisations). A comparison of all contributions to this special issue revealed that repeating alterations of governing majorities and governments best explain the frequent turnover of heads of different Lithuanian public sector organisations (except those of personal health care and educational organisations). However, their politicisation is associated with party entrenchment in power, density of the party networks and politicians' beliefs. Furthermore, variations in the scope of politicisation are related to such administrative factors as the political salience of policy areas and organisational functions, as well as the budget size. Therefore, it is the interplay of political and administrative factors that determines the change and politicisation of management in various public sector organisations. Adapted from the source document.

Siame straipsnyje analizuojama Lietuvos valstybes valdomu imoniu vadovu kaita ir politizacija 1990-2012 m. Ziniasklaidoje daznai aptariami konkreciu imoniu vadovu politizacijos atvejai, taciau sistemines analizes sioje srityje stoka neleidzia daryti pagristu apibendrinimu. Del to pagrindinis straipsnio tikslas - remiantis statistine mineto laikotarpio duomenu analize ne tik identifikuoti politizacijos masta bei pasikeitimus VVI vadovu postuose, bet ir nustatyti, kaip juos veikia siu imoniu teisinis statusas, valdymo sritis, vyriausybiu tipai, partiju isitvirtinimas valdzioje ir ju nariu skaicius. Tyrimo rezultatai atskleide, kad vadovu kaita suprasti padeda valdanciosios daugumos pasikeitimai ir vyriausybiu tipai, taciau sie veiksniai savaime nepaaiskina politizacijos. Norint suprasti ta reiskini, yra butina analizuoti valdymo sriti. Analize parode, kad labiausiai politizuoti sektoriai yra miskininkyste ir energetika This article analyses the turnover and politicisation of CEO positions in the Lithuanian state-owned enterprises between 1990 and 2012. Although some individual cases of politicisation of CEO positions get detailed media coverage, there is an obvious lack of systematic large-N analysis in this field. Therefore, the main aim of the article is to identify the scope of politicisation and changes in CEO positions, as well as to account for variation in the extent of politicisation in terms of different legal statuses of these enterprises, policy fields, types of government, party entrenchment and membership. The results of this article revealed that CEO turnover is best explained by the factors of changing ruling majorities and governments. However, neither of these two factors explains CEO positions' politicisation. In order to understand this phenomenon, it is essential to distinguish among policy fields, which showed that forestry and energy are the most politicised sectors. This conclusion points to different patterns of politicisation in different sectors of the economy. Adapted from the source document.

Siame straipsnyje siekiama aprasyti ir paaiskinti esminius agenturu vadovu politizacijos, agenturu skaiciaus ir ju valdymo pokycius, taip pat nustatyti, koks buvo ES poveikis tiems dalykams. Straipsnis pagristas teoriniu europeizacijos ir viesosios politikos poziuriu sinteze, taip pat turimos informacijos ir statistiniu duomenu analize. Nors ES reiksmingai prisidejo prie nauju agenturu isteigimo, jos poveikis siu agenturu islikimui issipletus ES buvo kur kas mazesnis. ES dare itaka agenturu vadovu politizacijos mazejimui per specifinius acquis reikalavimus, o ne politines narystes ES salygas. Tyrimo rezultatai rodo diferencijuota ES poveiki: europeizuotu agenturu valdymas po truputi darosi profesionalesnis, palyginti su neeuropeizuotomis agenturomis The paper compares the actual patterns of agencification and depoliticisation in Lithuania and explains the extent to which the EU contributed to these changes. Based on the transformational approach and theories of public policy process, our framework for analysis links external factors (including the EU's influence), internal factors and our dependent variables (changes in public administration and the impact of the EU). Our research employs (descriptive and inferential) statistical analysis of data on the organisational changes of Lithuanian agencies and political participation of their managers. Furthermore, it follows a longitudinal approach to observe 'net changes' by mapping agencification and politicisation throughout the period 1990-2012. The paper found that the EU made a significant contribution to the establishment of new agencies driven by the exigencies of EU accession, but its impact on the survival of Europeanised agencies was much smaller after enlargement. Overall, the results of our research confirm the stronger and more enduring impact of specific acquis rules in the EU policy domains compared to the much weaker influence of the EU's political conditionality. Furthermore, it points to the importance of interactions between domestic actors that realise particular beliefs and pursue certain strategies to understanding institutional and policy changes at domestic level. Adapted from the source document.