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The main objective of the article is to show that the temporary symbiosis between centres of political power and organized crime leads to the development of permanent, corrupt and opaque networks. Focusing on the countries of the Western Balkans, the author points to the reasons for the development of organized crime in the region and then to the conditions created in the post-conflict period that resulted in the failure of effective attempts to stop organized crime and the corruption that facilitates it in the these countries. The article also points out that the creation of symbiotic relationships between political elites and organized crime groups leads to a 'state capture.' The unresolved problems of corruption and organized crime, in turn, have a direct impact on these countries' EU-integration processes.

This paper attempts to present a review of higher education reform processes in Poland in 1990-2015 and 2016-2018 (when a draft of the so‑called Act 2.0 was prepared) and an assessment of the domestic "art of reforms". As the author has adopted the perspective of the public policy science, she focuses on issues of public policy making, i.e. the development and strategic programming policy, drafting legislation, and accompanying public consultations. Furthermore, the paper discusses three past and one current attempt to reform higher education in the context of the political economy of reforms that are globally perceived as a benchmark. The long, nearly 30‑year period covered by the paper's analyses allowed the author to draw conclusions with regard to the evolution of higher education policy, highlighting the problem of its quality (standards) as a public policy.

Education for safety is an exceptionally topical issue in the modern world. It is an indispensable tool for achieving the goals of sustainable development. Who, when and where to educate; what tools to use; and according to what idea – these are essential questions related to raising human awareness. The aim of the article is to analyze and assess the awareness of society in terms of knowledge and skills in the field of safe behavior and attitude, the perception of safety in the context of sustainable development. The results of the research presented in the articleclearly indicate a high level of public involvement in acquiring knowledge and skills on safe behaviours and attitudes. The conclusions obtained allow to develop a strategy that will permit to develop an education system for safety (that will consider formal and informal education) as well as self-education. These conclusions constitute the basis for building cooperation between central government and local government units, educational units, and non-governmental organisations.

The purpose of this article is to provide a detailed overview of the essential measures and regulations implemented by the European Union within the framework of its public policy on cybersecurity and make a comprehensive comparative analysis of the cybersecurity capabilities in E. U. Member States and their national strategies in this area. This article highlights multiple issues that should be the center of attention in regard to public policy on cybersecurity, which made it possible to evaluate the compliance of the existing 104 Zbigniew Chmielewski Studia z Polityki Publicznej regulations passed by the E. U. policy makers and the way it was approached. Based on the 2015 Software Alliance (BSA) survey and other available sources an analysis was made to evaluate the readiness of E. U. Member States to ensure security in cyberspace. Special attention was paid to "The Assumptions of Cybersecurity Strategy of the Republic of Poland", developed by the Ministry of Digitisation and published in February 2016.

The educational reform designed by Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (the Law and Justice political party) fits in a pattern of the previous Polish reforms, primarily due to the way they were introduced. The political rather than substantive factors determine their design, they are introduced too hastily, and the appointed experts are treated as an embellishment. This mode of operation is characteristic not only of Poland. The researchers cited in the text (J. Nelson, M. S. Archer, N. Luhmann) indicate its root causes and limited effectiveness. The state remains the most important player in shaping the educational system despite the attempts to reduce its influence on education under neo-liberal policies. However, the current analysis of its limited effectiveness should lay the foundations for a policy, which would take into account the need to reckon with the interests of other actors as well as to develop a long-term strategy.

The following debate took place on March 22, 2019 at the Warsaw School of Economics. The content of the Study on Spatial Chaos report provided the framework for the discussion. Its authors estimated the cost of spatial chaos at PLN 84.3 billion per year. They indicated the main mechanisms leading to the occurrence of this phenomenon.

In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models. ; In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models.

In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models. ; In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models.

The article relates to the situation in the Polish education, where moral education is taught as two school subjects: either religious education or ethics. Although the subjects are in direct competition, essentially, they relate to the same curriculum content. The author distinguishes moral upbringing from moral education, by assuming that the upbringing is carried out mainly at home, whereas the school's aim is to support the skills of making moral choices by the young generation. Therefore, the school cannot be blamed for pupils' moral condition because it is shaped by the home environment, which is understood in a wide sense here.

W artykule przyglądam się temu, jaką edukację polityczną warto rozwijać we współczesnej polskiej szkole i wszędzie tam, gdzie buduje się w ludziach zdolność do wspólnej i niewyalienowanej pracy. Kierunek rozważań wyznaczyła konieczność ustosunkowania się myśli pedagogicznej – i równoległego dostosowania praktyk wychowawczych – do zmian w sposobie koordynacji społeczeństwa, które dokonują się w atmosferze groźby wybuchu wojny. Rozważania te buduję na dotychczasowych badaniach własnych z obszaru uczenia się w ruchach społecznych, analizując trzy porządki zapewniające koordynację społeczeństw (neoliberalizm, nacjonalizm, militaryzm) w kontekście wykluczanych przez nie wartości: dobra wspólnego, samorządu i pokoju. Rezultatem pracy jest matryca przyporządkowująca te kontrwartości różnym typom współpracy (koordynacji, kooperacji i kolaboracji). Matryca pozwala identyfikować specyfikę konkretnych przykładów mobilizacji społecznej, jak i rozpoznawać luki w kształceniu kolektywnych umiejętności współdziałania. Rezultaty analizy pozwalają zoperacjonalizować praktyki oporu pod kątem celów wychowania i stawiają w nowym świetle problemy powiązań i nawarstwiania się wrogich szkole ideologii neoliberalizmu, nacjonalizmu i militaryzmu. ; The paper analyses types of political education worth developing in contemporary Polish schools and in other places dedicated to building human capacity to work together in a non-alienated way. The analysis is based on my own research from the area of learning in social movements. I analyze three orders ensuring social coordination (neoliberalism, nationalism, and militarism) in the context of the values they exclude: the common good, self-government and peace. The result of the work is a matrix assigning these counter-values, accordingly, to coordination, cooperation and collaboration. 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The subject of the study is the Bologna Process, its assumptions and course. The article contains an analysis of the Act on university education and science in order to indicate solutions for the harmonization in Poland under the Bologna movement. This movement is characterized as an example of European integration (harmonization) in the sphere of higher education, which was initiated by the Bologna Declaration of 19 June 1999. The main idea behind this declaration was the joint creation of the European Higher Education Area. The process initiated then goes beyond the scope of activities undertaken only by European Union governments. The analysis covers the following parts: The scope of the Bologna Process, Further European actors and the Sorbonne Declaration, The Bologna Process today, Implementation barriers was well as criticism. An integral part of the work is the Bologna Process and the Constitution for Science (Law on university education and science). ; skinder@ukw.edu.pl ; Marcin Skinder – zajmuje się naukowo i dydaktycznie zagadnieniami politycznymi i prawnymi kwestii społecznych oraz szkolnictwa wyższego. Szczególne miejsce w jego zainteresowaniach badawczych zajmuje Proces Boloński jako czynnik rozwoju europejskiego szkolnictwa wyższego. Był uczestnikiem stażu naukowego w University College Dublin (UCD, National University of Ireland). W 2019 roku uzyskał stopień doktora habilitowanego w zakresie nauk społecznych w dyscyplinie nauki o polityce na Wydziale Politologii Uniwersytetu Pedagogicznego im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie. Opublikował kilka książek. ; Marcin Skinder – scientifically and academically deals with political and legal social issues and higher education. A special place in his research interests is occupied by the Bologna Process as a factor in the development of European higher education. He participated in a research internship at University College Dublin (UCD, National University of Ireland). In 2019, he received a post-doctoral degree (habilitation) in the field of social sciences in the discipline of political science at the Faculty of Political Science of the Pedagogical University of Krakow. Author of several books. ; Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy, Polska ; Antonowicz D., Jaworska M., Tajemnicze rady uczelni, "Forum Akademickie" 2019, nr 10. ; Antonowicz D., Uniwersytet przyszłości. 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This text aims to present the thoughts of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari in the context of the relationship between the state, capitalism, and machines. Due to the multiplicity and rhizomatics that characterize the works of both French philosophers, the author also outlines the basic concepts important from the point of view of the discussed problem, such as abstract machines, devices, segmentation, deterritorialization, coding, axiomatics, rhizoma, micropolitics, and macropolitics. The perspective proposed in the works of Deleuze and Guattari escapes the well-known patterns of analysis in social sciences, which makes them an interesting look at the relationship between the state and capitalism.