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New social democratic models and anthropocentric ideas significant changes in European formal and informal structures of education, and enhanced new model of educating society. Its essence is in the contexts of a person's (a child and adult) continues learning (formal and informal). Being an inherent part of the educational system, a kindergarten becomes an integral institution for the modern children and parents education. This it's importance in the society as a social-educational institution emerges. New meanings of early childhood and new models of humanistic interactions (adults - children) are enhanced by the development of the democratic society. This makes conditions for parents become equal partners with teachers, and participate in the modern development of educational process in the kindergarten. Changes in the social-educational sphere are significant for the creation of a new image of the kindergarten in the society, making it attractive for the parents and community. Thus a flexible, modern, humanistic, based on democratic values social-educational system of adult education is being created in the kindergarten. Equality of rights and equivalence of parents • -teachers' partnership in the strategic expansion of the child development model enhances creation of not only its new model, but also a model of adult education. The latter becomes an important part of the kindergarten's image. These new social-educational initiatives of the kindergarten give it a proper role in the education of the society, involving parents in the initial education by developing their understanding of social and anthropocentric senses in the educational process. In European (Germany, Great Britain) kindergartens concrete models of adult education (first of all – parents) are being developed. They are adapted to the needs of parents' communities. The new system of system of views of the participants of social-educational process could make the creation of the modern kindergarten possible by taking into consideration global changes for the open society.

New social democratic models and anthropocentric ideas significant changes in European formal and informal structures of education, and enhanced new model of educating society. Its essence is in the contexts of a person's (a child and adult) continues learning (formal and informal). Being an inherent part of the educational system, a kindergarten becomes an integral institution for the modern children and parents education. This it's importance in the society as a social-educational institution emerges. New meanings of early childhood and new models of humanistic interactions (adults - children) are enhanced by the development of the democratic society. This makes conditions for parents become equal partners with teachers, and participate in the modern development of educational process in the kindergarten. Changes in the social-educational sphere are significant for the creation of a new image of the kindergarten in the society, making it attractive for the parents and community. Thus a flexible, modern, humanistic, based on democratic values social-educational system of adult education is being created in the kindergarten. Equality of rights and equivalence of parents • -teachers' partnership in the strategic expansion of the child development model enhances creation of not only its new model, but also a model of adult education. The latter becomes an important part of the kindergarten's image. These new social-educational initiatives of the kindergarten give it a proper role in the education of the society, involving parents in the initial education by developing their understanding of social and anthropocentric senses in the educational process. In European (Germany, Great Britain) kindergartens concrete models of adult education (first of all – parents) are being developed. They are adapted to the needs of parents' communities. The new system of system of views of the participants of social-educational process could make the creation of the modern kindergarten possible by taking into consideration global changes for the open society.

The United States of America and France are states that have much in common. The USA has the greatest political, economic and military power in the world, and France held this position before the Second World War. Both, the Unites States and France, were the sources of democratic values in the eighteenth century. Currently the two countries have the same values and objectives for the world community: defence of human rights, promotion of democracy, maintenance of international stability and peace, fight against terrorism. However, France has always opposed the United States on one issue or other. It may be in the realm of international diplomacy, where one can discern a distinct distaste for America's oftproclaimed sole-superpower status, or on matters of culture, where France is always the first to denounce American "cultural imperialism." Lately, Franco – American friction has manifested itself most visibly in the UN Security Council over the Iraq war. Both countries realized the necessity to disarm Iraq yet France opposed the resolution authorizing the war against Iraq. France's antipathy to war, pessimism to crate stability in Iraq and refusal to recognize the leadership of the United States can be conceived as the reasons of the opposition. France is no longer the superpower that it was, and that leads to a strategic difference in how the two countries pursue their goals. [.].

The United States of America and France are states that have much in common. The USA has the greatest political, economic and military power in the world, and France held this position before the Second World War. Both, the Unites States and France, were the sources of democratic values in the eighteenth century. Currently the two countries have the same values and objectives for the world community: defence of human rights, promotion of democracy, maintenance of international stability and peace, fight against terrorism. However, France has always opposed the United States on one issue or other. It may be in the realm of international diplomacy, where one can discern a distinct distaste for America's oftproclaimed sole-superpower status, or on matters of culture, where France is always the first to denounce American "cultural imperialism." Lately, Franco – American friction has manifested itself most visibly in the UN Security Council over the Iraq war. Both countries realized the necessity to disarm Iraq yet France opposed the resolution authorizing the war against Iraq. France's antipathy to war, pessimism to crate stability in Iraq and refusal to recognize the leadership of the United States can be conceived as the reasons of the opposition. France is no longer the superpower that it was, and that leads to a strategic difference in how the two countries pursue their goals. [.].

The United States of America and France are states that have much in common. The USA has the greatest political, economic and military power in the world, and France held this position before the Second World War. Both, the Unites States and France, were the sources of democratic values in the eighteenth century. Currently the two countries have the same values and objectives for the world community: defence of human rights, promotion of democracy, maintenance of international stability and peace, fight against terrorism. However, France has always opposed the United States on one issue or other. It may be in the realm of international diplomacy, where one can discern a distinct distaste for America's oftproclaimed sole-superpower status, or on matters of culture, where France is always the first to denounce American "cultural imperialism." Lately, Franco – American friction has manifested itself most visibly in the UN Security Council over the Iraq war. Both countries realized the necessity to disarm Iraq yet France opposed the resolution authorizing the war against Iraq. France's antipathy to war, pessimism to crate stability in Iraq and refusal to recognize the leadership of the United States can be conceived as the reasons of the opposition. France is no longer the superpower that it was, and that leads to a strategic difference in how the two countries pursue their goals. [.].

European cultural dimensions. This implies: developing a Europe of knowledge, strengthening of stable, peaceful and democratic societies; enhancing mobility in employment and study; implementing the Bologna Magna Charta Universitatum 1988. In short the Declaration focuses on the promotion of co-operation and international competitiveness of European higher education. There are expectations of national reforms: the changes in two-tier degree structures, shorter first degrees, bridges between university and non-university sectors and external evaluation. At the institutional level, the reforms should also be considered to shape the curriculum development and evaluations (mare professionally relevant, more international and mare multidisciplinary). The article focuses on the universities role to facilitate study and labour mobility. Identifying labour needs calls for a constant update of the curriculum. The question is whether universities should move to professional training instead of providing an academic education. The article is dealing with the difficulties of the implementation of Bologna Declaration: a tension between academic education and professional training, between equality and opportunity, between internationalization and globalisation and etc. Mass higher education and life-long learning cannot be uniform across individuals, communities and countries. Reality is different in many universities, but the changes are needed in many universities too.

European cultural dimensions. This implies: developing a Europe of knowledge, strengthening of stable, peaceful and democratic societies; enhancing mobility in employment and study; implementing the Bologna Magna Charta Universitatum 1988. In short the Declaration focuses on the promotion of co-operation and international competitiveness of European higher education. There are expectations of national reforms: the changes in two-tier degree structures, shorter first degrees, bridges between university and non-university sectors and external evaluation. At the institutional level, the reforms should also be considered to shape the curriculum development and evaluations (mare professionally relevant, more international and mare multidisciplinary). The article focuses on the universities role to facilitate study and labour mobility. Identifying labour needs calls for a constant update of the curriculum. The question is whether universities should move to professional training instead of providing an academic education. The article is dealing with the difficulties of the implementation of Bologna Declaration: a tension between academic education and professional training, between equality and opportunity, between internationalization and globalisation and etc. Mass higher education and life-long learning cannot be uniform across individuals, communities and countries. Reality is different in many universities, but the changes are needed in many universities too.

European cultural dimensions. This implies: developing a Europe of knowledge, strengthening of stable, peaceful and democratic societies; enhancing mobility in employment and study; implementing the Bologna Magna Charta Universitatum 1988. In short the Declaration focuses on the promotion of co-operation and international competitiveness of European higher education. There are expectations of national reforms: the changes in two-tier degree structures, shorter first degrees, bridges between university and non-university sectors and external evaluation. At the institutional level, the reforms should also be considered to shape the curriculum development and evaluations (mare professionally relevant, more international and mare multidisciplinary). The article focuses on the universities role to facilitate study and labour mobility. Identifying labour needs calls for a constant update of the curriculum. The question is whether universities should move to professional training instead of providing an academic education. The article is dealing with the difficulties of the implementation of Bologna Declaration: a tension between academic education and professional training, between equality and opportunity, between internationalization and globalisation and etc. Mass higher education and life-long learning cannot be uniform across individuals, communities and countries. Reality is different in many universities, but the changes are needed in many universities too.

European cultural dimensions. This implies: developing a Europe of knowledge, strengthening of stable, peaceful and democratic societies; enhancing mobility in employment and study; implementing the Bologna Magna Charta Universitatum 1988. In short the Declaration focuses on the promotion of co-operation and international competitiveness of European higher education. There are expectations of national reforms: the changes in two-tier degree structures, shorter first degrees, bridges between university and non-university sectors and external evaluation. At the institutional level, the reforms should also be considered to shape the curriculum development and evaluations (mare professionally relevant, more international and mare multidisciplinary). The article focuses on the universities role to facilitate study and labour mobility. Identifying labour needs calls for a constant update of the curriculum. The question is whether universities should move to professional training instead of providing an academic education. The article is dealing with the difficulties of the implementation of Bologna Declaration: a tension between academic education and professional training, between equality and opportunity, between internationalization and globalisation and etc. Mass higher education and life-long learning cannot be uniform across individuals, communities and countries. Reality is different in many universities, but the changes are needed in many universities too.

The aims of this article are to describe the fundamental connection between State government, counties and municipalities and to expose peculiarities of interaction of State government subjects and Local Self-government institutions. The survey method is grounded on the systemic research and analysis of the Lithuanian legal acts: Law on the Local Self-government, Law on the Governing of the County and Law on the Regional Development. The main conclusions of the article are following: a) the objects, functions and responsibility of Regional institutions and Counties are separated by legal acts, but in fact Regional institutions and Counties are indivisible unit; b) in reality municipalities become subordinate to the State government and restraint from Self-government institutions appreciable by limited liberty of decision making and finance resources, and intensive state inspection of procedures; c) there is not fully realized principle of decentralization. In the future State government system and Local Self-government reforms could take the way of self-governmental regions making and the power, functions and decision making competence of municipalities could be extended

The aims of this article are to describe the fundamental connection between State government, counties and municipalities and to expose peculiarities of interaction of State government subjects and Local Self-government institutions. The survey method is grounded on the systemic research and analysis of the Lithuanian legal acts: Law on the Local Self-government, Law on the Governing of the County and Law on the Regional Development. The main conclusions of the article are following: a) the objects, functions and responsibility of Regional institutions and Counties are separated by legal acts, but in fact Regional institutions and Counties are indivisible unit; b) in reality municipalities become subordinate to the State government and restraint from Self-government institutions appreciable by limited liberty of decision making and finance resources, and intensive state inspection of procedures; c) there is not fully realized principle of decentralization. In the future State government system and Local Self-government reforms could take the way of self-governmental regions making and the power, functions and decision making competence of municipalities could be extended

One of today major problems of public administration – defense system of the state and planning of her strategy. Sucha situation is, because too small attention was paid for it in literature of public administration, like a specific problem that belong to sector of public administration. This problem often is solved only in military aspect, and is hold as a part of military defense system. There are not enough competitive specialist and experts who would understand sucha problem and would take part solving it as well. It is very important to understand, that defense system is systematic objekt and all problematic should be taken as a whole system that integrate and accumulate different, even opposite elements. Spectrum of methods is very wide, and amount is very large, and for realization well-organized and effective management should be involved. Effectiveness of defense system depends on ability to use all possible resources that are in the state. That is why defense system and control of he implementation should belong to public administration.

One of today major problems of public administration – defense system of the state and planning of her strategy. Sucha situation is, because too small attention was paid for it in literature of public administration, like a specific problem that belong to sector of public administration. This problem often is solved only in military aspect, and is hold as a part of military defense system. There are not enough competitive specialist and experts who would understand sucha problem and would take part solving it as well. It is very important to understand, that defense system is systematic objekt and all problematic should be taken as a whole system that integrate and accumulate different, even opposite elements. Spectrum of methods is very wide, and amount is very large, and for realization well-organized and effective management should be involved. Effectiveness of defense system depends on ability to use all possible resources that are in the state. That is why defense system and control of he implementation should belong to public administration.

The goal of this paper is to analyse the political discourse of one among the most influential thinkers of Islamic resurgence movement, Hasan al-Banna, who is frequently considered the father of contemporary radical movements advocating the must for the Islamic state what is due to extra-legal activities of his created Islamic organization "The Muslim Brotherhood" which was often taken as an organizational model by subsequent Islamic groups. The theoretical analysis, however, of the major principles that Hasan al-Banna employs in constructing foundations of the legitimate Islamic state reveals that his political theory is compromising and open to the basic values of Western democracy. This article seeks to shown how Hasan al-Banna reconstructs Islamic political theory by reworking the meanings of its basic foundations.