In this article, Dr. José Manuel Esteve presents the challenge for our country in a multinational political unit, as Europe hopes to be, as opposed to the variety of a state structured into Autonomous Communities. Through a review of our history, since the reign of the Catholic Monarchs to the present day, he describes specific moments in which the administration has tried to unify by law the variety of Spain, carrying out what he calls a "melting-pot policy". According to him, the process of European unification should stand upon the reinforcement of a common body of values which are able to promote a European identity and boost real unity through variety. The present day situation, which transfers to the educational field the different ways of socialization produced by a multicultural and multilingual society, contemplates new educational problems, among them the qualification of teachers to teach in a class that comprises students from different origin, the supervision and enlargement of curricular contents and the learning languages in order to improve communication between peoples. In short, he supports a multifaceted outlook on education after the acceptance of variety. ; El Doctor José Manuel Esteve plantea en este artículo el reto que supone la integración del Estado en una Comunidad política supraestatal, como la que aspira a ser Europa, frente a la diversidad de un Estado organizado en Comunidades Autónomas. A través de un repaso por nuestra historia, desde los Reyes Católicos a la actualidad, describe momentos en los que la denominada por él "política del crisol" intenta unificar por decreto la diversidad de España. En su opinión, el proceso de unidad europea deberá basarse en el fortalecimiento de un núcleo de valores comunes capaces de fomentar una identidad europea y promover una unidad real a través de la diversidad. La situación actual, que traslada a la institución escolar los diferentes modelos de socialización producidos por una sociedad multicultural y multilingüe, plantea nuevos problemas ...
En el presente trabajo se intentarán abordar las problemáticas que existen en las unidades penitenciarias con respecto al acceso a la educación, teniendo en cuenta la situación en la que se encuentran los sujetos privados de su libertad. Luego se verá el marco normativo que prevé la educación en las cárceles (artículos 2 y 140 de la ley 24.660, tratados internacionales); las modificaciones legislativas (Ley de Estímulo Educativo) y las dificultades que existen para llevarlas a cabo. Asimismo, será relevante determinar si el Estado cumple con las obligaciones que le son inherentes respecto al goce de los derechos de las personas que son privadas de su libertad, sobre todo en lo que respecta a la educación. Por último, se esgrimirá la importancia de la educación en las cárceles y su recepción en el marco normativo tanto internacional como nacional. ; In this paper we will try to address the problems that exist in the prison units with respect to access to education, taking into account the situation in which private individuals of their liberty are. Then will the regulatory framework that provides education in prisons (arts. 2 and 140 of law 24,660, international treaties), the legislative amendments (law of educational stimulus) and the difficulties in carrying them out. It will also be important to determine whether the State complies with its obligations inherent in the enjoyment of the rights of people who are deprived of their liberty, especially with regard to education. Finally, the importance of education in prisons and reception at both international and national regulatory framework will wield. ; Sección: Derecho Penal. ; Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales
Las restricciones del Estado nacional son directamente proporcionales al desarrollo de la producción que de alguna manera afecta las políticas para responder a las necesidades de eficacia. El Estado, en su nueva gestión descentralizada, que ha de considerar la competencia económica en función de la eficiencia, como criterio que el sector público debe tomar en cuenta. Definir y respetar los objetivos éticos en la competencia socioeconómica entre el Estado y la globalidad, reforzará la convivencia en nuestra sociedad. Ésta, podría ser una de las maneras de adaptar al Estado a su papel en la posmodernidad y en el proceso de interconexión mundial, en el que éste modifica su capacidad de determinar su propio destino en aras de los nuevos poderes globales. Para contrarrestar esta situación, el Estado, a través de sus políticas educativas, tendría que fortalecer los poderes locales. Su respuesta debe atender un sistema de valores en una estructura curricular transversal, que permita la incorporación de la población educativa a las realidades globales, sin perder los valores nacionales. ; The State's restrictions are directly proportional to the development of production that can affect, in different ways, the policies to respond to efficiency needs. The State in its new decentralized management should include economic competence according to efficiency as a criterion that the public sector must take into account. To define and respect ethic goals in socioeconomic competence among the State and globalization will reinforce harmony and living standards in our societies. This could be a plausible way of adapting the State to its role in post modernity and in the process of world interconnections in which the State modifies its capacity of determining its own destiny. In order to counteract to this situation the State, through its educational policies, would have to reinforce its local institutions. The State can respond to this situation by enhancing its values and making people aware of their legacy through a transverse curricular structure that would allow the incorporation of the population to the global reality without losing national values. ; Les restrictions de l'État National sont directement proportionnelles au développement de la production lesquelles interviennent, d'une certaine façon, sur les politiques pour répondre aux besoins d'efficacité. L'État, dans sa nouvelle gestion de décentralisation, envisage de considérer la compétence économique en fonction de l'efficacité comme critère que le secteur public doit prendre en compte. Si on parvient à définir et à respecter les objectifs éthiques dans le cadre de la compétence socioéconomique entre l'état et la globalité, on pourra donc renforcer la coexistence à l'intérieur de notre société. Grâce à ceci, le rôle de l'État pourrait s'adapter à la postmodernité et au processus d'interconnexion mondiale tout en modifiant sa capacité de déterminer son propre destin aux fins de nouveaux pouvoirs globaux. Afin d'équilibrer cette situation, l'Etat, à travers ses politiques éducatives, devrait renforcer les pouvoirs locaux. La réponse résiderait sur un système de valeurs dans une structure transversale des programmes éducatifs permettant l'incorporation de la population éducative aux réalités globales sans pour autant perdre les valeurs nationales. ; 167-184 ; paquirri@ula.ve ; marialui@ula.ve ; semestral
El gobierno de las universidades americanas está profundamente enraizado en los ideales de la democracia americana y en el concepto de citizen board of trustees(personas ajenas a la institución que llevan a cabo una supervisión de la Universidad o el College sin llegar a llevar el trabajo cotidiano). Estos ciudadanos no son empleados de la institución o de alguno de los gobiernos de los cincuenta Estados del país. Su tarea consiste en representar a la vez a la institución y al conjunto de los intereses de los ciudadanos.Un governing board posee diferentes e importantes responsabilidades, como la supervisión de las finanzas de la institución financieras, los programas académicos y los estándares, y el conjunto de las directrices estratégicas. Una de las más importantes responsabilidades que asumen los governing board es la protección y preservación de la independencia y la autonomía de la institución. Para que el governing board lleve a cabo con éxito sus tareas hace falta una estrecha relación de trabajo con la administración de la institución de educación superior y, en particular, con el presidente/rector. El presidente/rector es contratado y evaluado por el órgano de gobierno y es el principal gestor y portavoz. Cuenta con un gabinete de vicepresidentes/vicerrectores, y preside la administración académica y tiene la facultad de dirigir los objetivos estratégicos establecidos y aprobados por el governing board. Aunque la máxima responsabilidad resida en el governing board, algunas decisiones se podrían delegar al presidente/rector, y a la autoridad académica como las decisiones curriculares.El sistema de estructuras de multicampus, donde un Consejo gobierna múltiples instituciones, son frecuentes en los Estados Unidos de América. Algunos sistemas gobiernan todos los colegios y las universidades públicas del Estado, otros lo hacen con instituciones que tengan misiones similares, y otros siguen un criterio regional.Mientras los citizen trusteeship generalmente reflejan un enfoque descentralizado en la toma de decisiones, formando parte de la cultura política americana, hay asuntos como las cualificaciones para la selección de los miembros del consejo, una correcta orientación y educación, y competencia que les demanda tiempo y atención. Los retos actuales a los que se enfrenta la educación superior en América son tales como una mejor preparación de los profesores, así como el aumento de la producción de grados deCollege degree, y la reducción de las diferencias que existen en los resultados académicos obtenidos por las minorías demográficas, e incluso cuestionarse si las estructuras de gobierno, apoyadas por citizen boards, resulta adecuada. Hablar de reformas para reforzar el gobierno y sus habilidades para dirigir las respuestas estratégicas hacia esos retos es cada vez más frecuente. Siendo también objeto de crítica la selección, la formación, el compromiso con el interés público general o con la institución educativa, a pesar de las dudas que se refieren a su eficacia para el siglo XXI, los citizen governing boards permanecen como uno de los mejores rasgos de la educación universitaria americana. AbstractAmerican higher education governance is deeply rooted in the ideals of American democracy and in the concept of a citizen board of trustees – persons outside the institution who oversee the university or college but do not run it on a day-to-day basis. These citizens are not employees of the institution or of any of the individual 50 state governments. Their duty it is to represent both the institution and the broad public interest of citizens.A governing board has several important responsibilities, including oversight of the institution's finances, academic programs and standards, and broad strategic direction. One of the most critical governing board responsibilities is protecting and preserving the independence and autonomy of the institution. For the board to successfully carry out its responsibilities requires an effective working relationship with the college or university administration, in particular, the president. The college president is hired and evaluated by the governing board and is the lead manager and lead spokesperson. With a cabinet of vice presidents, he or she leads the academic administration and the faculty toward the strategic goals established approved by the governing board. Although ultimate responsibility rests with the governing board, many decisions should be delegated to the president, and also to the faculty for academic and curriculum decisions.Multicampus system structures, where one board governs multiple institutions, are prevalent in the United States. Some systems govern all public colleges and universities in the state, some govern institutions of similar mission, and some are regionally based. Systems are led by a system executive with constituent campuses by campus presidents. Statewide coordinating boards and agencies exist in most states, and in just under half they play a significant role in state policy development and regulation.While citizen trusteeship generally reflects the decentralized approach to decision making that is part of American political culture, there are concerns about qualifications for board members selection, adequate orientation and education, and competing demands on their time and attention. Modern challenges facing U.S. higher education, such as preparing more and better teachers, increasing college degree production, and narrowing the education achievement gaps of minority populations, also lead many to question whether governance structures undergirded by citizen boards are adequate. Talk of reforms to strengthen governance and its ability to lead strategic responses to these challenges are increasing in frequency. Although subject to criticism about their selection, training, and commitment to either the broad public interest or the institution, and despite concerns about their effectiveness for the 21st Century, citizen governing boards remain one of American higher education's best features.
The education and housing of ethnic minorities in the United States. Nathan GLAZER Busing was proposed as a solution to the existence of segregated schools in the United States. The goal was to eliminate the difference between black and white schools by having children attend public-schools nearest to where they lived in order to overcorne the demeaning distinction of race in law and assist the segregating schools to improve their program. The solution was apparently simple, but it did not happen because of political resistance. The problem of school integration by way of residential integration seems as difficult to realize as busing.
The article presents the results of modern model comparative legal analysis concerning state and legal regulation of the religious component in education within the context of state and municipal educational organization profile activity. The conceptual features of such regulation optimal model are determined, claiming the status of universal ones; their uniform consolidation in the special educational legislation of modern secular states is justified.
Currently, over a third of children not in school live in countries considered being as fragile. These countries, which are mainly located in sub-Saharan Africa, will not reach the objectives of Education For All for 2015. This thesis covers approaches across comparative education, political science and sociology of organizations. It explores empirically the condi¬tions of achievement of EFA within the contexts of fragility. Despite its ambiguities, the notion of fragile states was adopted in 2005 as an operational concept by most of aid agencies. Definitions of fragile state converge on a set of specific criteria (dysfunctional institutions, chronic socio-political instability, limited access to social services). Nevertheless, the former also cover various and related dimensions, whose severity makes universal primary education achievement particularly hazardous. Therefore, the in¬junction made to states to provide homogenous basic education for their population, espe¬cially in the poorest ones, may indeed encounter difficulties in the particular contexts of fragile states (chapter 1). Armed conflicts are certainly the most obvious cause of the fragility of states and countries. The effects of these conflicts undermine the educational system and destroy any prospect of education for a difficulty measurable proportion of children, especially those in poor and isolated environments. Periods of instability can also be seen in the impact of public finances policies and the failure of governments to invest in social areas such as education. The latter being an element that contributes to the emergence of values of a democratic political system (chapter 2). Insofar as investment in education is perceived as a necessary, if not sufficient, to vanquish poverty, the option to stimulate and accelerate the development of education constitutes an opportunity for the international community. Even if it means that the latter also has to ex¬ercise some forms of interference. The findings of our empirical analysis show, that ...
Currently, over a third of children not in school live in countries considered being as fragile. These countries, which are mainly located in sub-Saharan Africa, will not reach the objectives of Education For All for 2015. This thesis covers approaches across comparative education, political science and sociology of organizations. It explores empirically the condi¬tions of achievement of EFA within the contexts of fragility. Despite its ambiguities, the notion of fragile states was adopted in 2005 as an operational concept by most of aid agencies. Definitions of fragile state converge on a set of specific criteria (dysfunctional institutions, chronic socio-political instability, limited access to social services). Nevertheless, the former also cover various and related dimensions, whose severity makes universal primary education achievement particularly hazardous. Therefore, the in¬junction made to states to provide homogenous basic education for their population, espe¬cially in the poorest ones, may indeed encounter difficulties in the particular contexts of fragile states (chapter 1). Armed conflicts are certainly the most obvious cause of the fragility of states and countries. The effects of these conflicts undermine the educational system and destroy any prospect of education for a difficulty measurable proportion of children, especially those in poor and isolated environments. Periods of instability can also be seen in the impact of public finances policies and the failure of governments to invest in social areas such as education. The latter being an element that contributes to the emergence of values of a democratic political system (chapter 2). Insofar as investment in education is perceived as a necessary, if not sufficient, to vanquish poverty, the option to stimulate and accelerate the development of education constitutes an opportunity for the international community. Even if it means that the latter also has to ex¬ercise some forms of interference. The findings of our empirical analysis show, that within fragile states, the emergence of a current contradiction between the inclusive nature of the EFA goals and the exclusionary nature of the paradigms on which foreign aid is based (effec¬tiveness and results). This situation leads us to question the approach of aid which is torn morally between the consequences of individual actions or common actions where the finan¬cial criteria and instruments are clearly not adapted to situations of fragility (chapter 3). ; Plus du tiers des enfants non scolarisés dans le monde vit actuellement dans des pays considérés comme fragiles. Principalement localisés en Afrique subsaharienne, ces pays, pour la plupart, ne seront pas en mesure de réaliser les objectifs de l'Éducation Pour Tous d'ici 2015. Se situant à la croisée de l'éducation comparée, des sciences politiques et de la sociologie des organisations, cette thèse explore empiriquement les conditions d'achèvement de l'EPT dans les contextes de fragilités.Malgré les ambigüités qui l'entourent, la notion d'État fragile a été adoptée en 2005 en tant que concept opérationnel par la plupart des organismes d'aide. Si les définitions de l'État fragile convergent sur un ensemble de critères spécifiques (institutions dysfonctionnelles, instabilité sociopolitique chronique, accès limité aux services sociaux), la fragilité revêt des dimensions variées et connexes dont la sévérité rend la réalisation de la scolarisation primaire universelle singulièrement aléatoire. Dès lors, l'injonction faite aux États de fournir une édu-cation de base homogène aux populations, notamment aux plus pauvres, peut rencontrer des difficultés d'adaptation dans les contextes particuliers des États fragiles (chapitre 1). Les conflits armés constituent certainement la plus évidente origine de la fragilité des États et des pays. Les effets de ces conflits mettent à mal le développement éducatif et anéantissent toute perspective d'éducation pour une proportion d'enfants difficilement mesurable, parti-culièrement ceux issus de milieux pauvres et isolés. Les périodes d'instabilité signalent égale-ment l'impact des politiques des finances publiques ainsi que l'échec d'un gouvernement à investir dans des domaines sociaux tels que l'éducation, élément contribuant à l'émergence des valeurs d'un système politique à tendances démocratiques (chapitre 2). Dans la mesure où l'investissement éducatif est perçu comme une condition nécessaire, sinon suffisante, de sortie de la pauvreté, l'option d'impulser et d'accélérer le développement éducatif s'impose comme un critère d'opportunité pour la communauté internationale, quitte à exercer des formes d'ingérence. Les conclusions de notre analyse empirique montrent, dans la problématique des États fragiles, l'émergence d'une contradiction actuelle entre le caractère inclusif des objectifs de l'EPT et la nature excluante des paradigmes sur lesquels se fondent l'aide extérieure (efficacité et résultats). Cette situation conduit alors à s'interroger sur une approche de l'aide liée à une analyse morale écartelée entre les conséquences des actions individuelles ou communes et dont les critères et instruments financiers ne sont visiblement pas adaptés aux situations de fragilité (chapitre 3).
The purpose of the article is to analyze the essence and characteristics of the state policy of Ukraine in the field of education, in order to determine the main ways to optimize this policy in the field of educational processes. The work used a set of methods such as: content analysis, logical and semantic analysis, systematic analysis of the implementation of state policy in the field of education; axiological method and prognosis. It is concluded that, state educational policy is a systematic and deliberate activity of public authorities and public self-government in school The priority of state policy is to ensure civic, patriotic, moral and spiritual education. Among the most concrete results of the research, existing deficiencies have been identified, which are characterized by contradictions. These paradoxes can be avoided by combining regulations. Finally, the existing state policy in the field of education has a comprehensive legal framework, but needs constant updating.
This article addresses three questions: what is the precise relationship between democracy and education in the present times? What do we learn from the results of the latest international PISA survey on the state of democracy in the most advanced countries (the West)? Finally, what do the recent results of the elections in the United States reveal about the situation of democracy but also the needs in terms of education? The analysis shows that, at a time when economies are globalized and in the era of the knowledge and digital economy, it is necessary to rethink the role that education must play in relation to democracy. The analysis also shows that there is a risk of a decline in democracy in Western countries due to an increase in the number of young people with very low education and a decrease in those with an excellent education (i.e. the elite). Finally, the paper states that, in the face of rising nationalism and totalitarianism (particularly in the United States), raising the level of education of the population is certainly the best answer to be given. ; Cet article s'adresse à trois questions : quelle est la relation précise entre démocratie et éducation dans les temps présents ? Que nous apprennent les résultats de la dernière enquête internationale PISA sur la situation de la démocratie dans les pays les plus avancés (soit l'Occident) ? Enfin, que nous révèlent les récents résultats des élections aux Etats-Unis, de nouveau, sur la situation de la démocratie mais aussi sur les besoins en termes d'éducation ? L'analyse montre que, dans un temps où les économies sont mondialisées, et à l'ère de l'économie de la connaissance et du numérique, il faut repenser le rôle que doit jouer l'éducation vis-à-vis de la démocratie. L'analyse montre aussi qu'il y a un risque de recul de la démocratie dans les pays occidentaux dû à l'augmentation du nombre de jeunes ayant une très faible éducation et à une diminution de ceux en ayant une excellente (c'est-à-dire l'élite). Enfin, le papier établit que face à une montée du nationalisme et d'un certain totalitarisme (notamment aux Etats-Unis), élever le niveau d'éducation de la population est certainement la meilleure réponse à apporter.
The "crisis in education" has been a recurrent theme in discussions about the American school system. In the United States, it was after WWII that the notion gained momentum and a new meaning. Until then, the term "crisis" had been merely used to evoke the dire material and financial state of education. The expression took another turn with the emergence of a debate between proponents of modern education (a model derived from the principles of progressive education) and partisans of liberal education who denounced an intellectual degradation in the school system. This dissertation analyzes this debate and its consequences on the dynamics of education in the United States. This strife between two conceptions of education is set apart by its significant influence and pervasion of society. Indeed, not only did it involve the circle of professional educators but it also touched lay men, so much so that it was integrated by popular culture. Confronted with a confidence crisis in the aftermath of the successful launch of satellite Sputnik, the U.S. government pinpointed the school system as the weak link of the American nation, taking advantage of the wave of criticisms against modern education that had dominated the 1950s. The combination of the debate on education with the logics of the Cold War paved the way for an unprecedented federal intervention in the field of education with the 1958 National Defense Education Act. ; De nos jours, le motif de la « crise de l'éducation » est récurrent dans les discussions publiques sur le système éducatif, et ce des deux côtés de l'Atlantique. Aux Etats-Unis, c'est au lendemain de la seconde guerre mondiale qu'il prend une tournure nouvelle. Jusqu'alors on avait parlé de « crise » pour désigner les difficultés matérielles et financières du système, mais l'expression prend une autre signification après 1945, tandis que s'installe un débat entre les partisans de l'éducation moderne, modèle inspiré par les principes de l'éducation progressiste, et les défenseurs d'une éducation ...
Cet article s'adresse à trois questions : quelle est la relation précise entre démocratie et éducation dans les temps présents ? Que nous apprennent les résultats de la dernière enquête internationale PISA sur la situation de la démocratie dans les pays les plus avancés (soit l'Occident) ? Enfin, que nous révèlent les récents résultats des élections aux Etats-Unis, de nouveau, sur la situation de la démocratie mais aussi sur les besoins en termes d'éducation ? L'analyse montre que, dans un temps où les économies sont mondialisées, et à l'ère de l'économie de la connaissance et du numérique, il faut repenser le rôle que doit jouer l'éducation vis-à-vis de la démocratie. L'analyse montre aussi qu'il y a un risque de recul de la démocratie dans les pays occidentaux dû à l'augmentation du nombre de jeunes ayant une très faible éducation et à une diminution de ceux en ayant une excellente (c'est-à-dire l'élite). Enfin, le papier établit que face à une montée du nationalisme et d'un certain totalitarisme (notamment aux Etats-Unis), élever le niveau d'éducation de la population est certainement la meilleure réponse à apporter.
This article presents some of the results of the doctoral thesis developed by the author. The article analyzes the impact that the process of institutionalization of intercultural bilingual education in Ecuador had in those initiatives of education controlled by indigenous communities. The research was supported on the contributions of Critical Pedagogy and Latin American Anthropology: from the first one, it took the concept of education as a cultural and politic practice; from the second one, it took the analytical perspective of the cultural control theory. Related to the methodology, the research made a study case of an emblematic experience of indigenous education in the country: the Sistema de Escuelas Indígenas de Cotopaxi (SEIC), and data was collected through oral history and review for primary sources. The hypothesis that the article seeks to argue is that the process of institutionalization of the intercultural bilingual education finished undermining the community nature of the SEIC and standardizi ng its educational proposal. ; El artículo recupera parte de los resultados de la investigación desarrollada por el autor en el marco de su tesis de doctorado. El artículo analiza el impacto que el proceso de institucionalización de la educación intercultural bilingüe en el Ecuador tuvo en las iniciativas de educación indígena de carácter comunitario. El trabajo de investigación se fundamentó en los aportes de la Pedagogía Crítica y de la Antropología Latinoamericana: de la primera tomó el concepto de educación como práctica cultural y política, mientras que de la segunda recuperó la perspectiva analítica de la teoría de control cultural. En términos metodológicos, la investigación optó por realizar un estudio caso de una experiencia de educación indígena emblemática del país: el Sistema de Escuelas Indígenas de Cotopaxi (SEIC), y para la recolección de información se trabajó a partir de la historia oral y el análisis documental. La hipótesis que se busca argumentar en el texto que sigue es que el proceso de institucionalización de la educación indígena terminó minando el carácter comunitario del SEIC y estandarizando su propuesta formativa.