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The process of formation of a single government politics in the sphere of industrial property is discussed. It is pointed out that economical significance of the objects of IP is rising because of priority orientation of the Russian science and industry on making scientific, good production. The questions of effective legal protection and commerce realization of the IP objects are also touched. It is settled that support and development of the patent service in the institutions of higher education are necessary. ; Обсуждается процесс формирования единой государственной политики в области промышленной собственности. Подчеркивается возрастающая экономическая значимость объектов ИС в связи с приоритетной ориентацией отечественной науки и промышленности на создание наукоемкой, конкурентоспособной продукции. Затрагиваются вопросы эффективной правовой охраны и коммерческой реализации объектов ИС. Обосновывается необходимость поддержки и развития патентной службы в составе вуза.

Ulrike Notarp ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- PVA 2001.930

Main legislative acts approved by EU for support of renewable energy development are considered. By the examples of various EU countries, political, legislative, financial, fiscal (taxation), administration factors, technological development, information, education and training that are used on national, regional and local levels for support of renewable energy are considered

The specific objectives of this Country Environmental Analysis (CEA) are to: 1) Review the existing situation in the sector, identify priority areas for policy changes or investments, and consider the role of the government, the private sector, and donors in implementing this agenda 2) Assess macroeconomic-environmental linkages and measures that affect long-term sustainability and financial viability within the priority areas 3) Provide a basis for defining the Bank's future involvement in the sector. The following environmental issues have been identified as critical, based on the negative impact of the current environmental conditions on human health, the economy, and natural ecosystems: Deteriorating trends in water, sanitation, and waste management; threat of coastal zone deterioration; air pollution hot spots; energy inefficiency; excessive industrial pollution; weak environmental management system, institutionally and legally; economic instruments that are more geared to revenue generation than to providing incentives for environmentally responsible behavior; quality and quantity of water resources; transboundary water and global environmental issues; and lack of sustainable forest management. The report recommends improving waste management, particularly hazardous waste; increasing provision of basic water and sanitation services to urban and rural poor; addressing environmental hot spots; strengthening institutional capacity for environmental management; preparing a coastal zone strategy; including in the environmental assessment potential liabilities in the advent of privatization; introducing measures to enhance energy efficiency and use renewable energy sources; instituting measures to reduce nutrient run-off to the Danube; preparing a biodiversity strategy, identifying threatened species, and preparing an action plan; and preparing a management plan for Lake Skadar and introducing environmentally friendly natural resource use practices.

Рассматривается внутренняя политика российского правительства в системе местного управления белорусскими губерниями в первой четверти XIX в. В ней приводятся сведения о социальном происхождении, имущественном положении, образовании, месте рождения и чинах основных чиновников губернской и уездной администрации белорусских губерний. ; The article is devoted to the internal policy of the Russian government in the system of administration of the Belarusian provinces in the first quarter of the nineteenth century. The data of social origin, property status, education, birthplace and ranks of the basic provincial officials and district administration of Belarusian provinces are presented.

Parallel to radical changes in Russian society in the last decades of the 20th century are transformations in literary methods and genres. There is a widespread notion that new tendences in this sphere were born as a reaction to the uniformistic, boring Sovjet literature of the previous period. Valerija Narbikova was one of the new names which manifested the arrival of postmodernist literature (1989), with its neglect of social and political realities and concentration on the egocentric inner life of an individual and, unusually for Russian literature of the time, its acceptance of sex as the most important part of life, an expression of the desperate need for love and understanding and helplessness in the attempt to discover the meaning of human existence. Narbikova's prose is interesting not for its philosophy, which is intentionally very simple, but for its inventive use of language, for its intertextuality and vitality. Narbikova became almost a cult figure in the 1990s. Her latest novel was published in 1996, and since then she has been silent. Russian society has changed, the reader has become mature, and one may ask oneself in what directions this type of prose might possibly develop.

Раздел - "Международные отношения" ; In the aftermath of September 11, as the U S launched its military operation against the Taleban in Afghanistan, the situation in Central Asia has changed dramatically. The US military presence, NATO activities in the region and the renewed interest that some countries (India) take in Central Asia are becoming essential features of the region's geopolitical development. It seems obvious that while Russia and China are trying to preserve their shattered influence in Central Asia, the balance of power here is shifting. Though China is doing its best to stay outside of what is perceived to b e US—Russia quarrel, Central Asia has become too important for her to b e ignored. Carefully avoiding direct confrontation with the US, China is keeping her favorite regional organization (Shanghai Cooperation Organization) afloat and working for the future establishing stronger economic ties between Central Asia and China. If successful, in a few decades China may become one of the most influential states in the region.

Российское правительство, Государственный Совет, Государственная Дума, общественность, духовенство, представители органов самоуправления губерний и уездов проявляли огромную заботу о беженцах первой мировой войны. Серьезным подспорьем к этому явилась четко продуманная и отработанная правовая база по беженцам, взаимодействие ветвей власти, неукоснительное выполнение ее рекомендаций на местах. В результате этого было заметно ослаблено столь высокое социальное напряжение, царившее среди пришлых людей. Вопросы по оказанию им медицинской помощи рассматривались и на отдельных съездах земских врачей. Опыт Российской дореволюционной государственной власти и общества применим для обеспечения нужд беженцев в современных условиях в период возникновения локальных и межнациональных военных конфликтов. ; Russian Government, State Duma, the public, the clergy, representatives of local government showed great concern for refugees during the First World War. Elaborated legal system concerning refugees, interaction of branches of authority, strict observation of their recommendations were of great help. The result was a considerable reduction of social tension among refugees. Problems of giving them medical help were also dealt with at congresses of Zemsky doctors (zemstvo - elective district council in Russia, 1864-1917). The experience of Russian pre-revolutionary state authorities and society is applicable to modern conditions during local and international military conflicts.

International audience ; The book "Christianisation of the Novgorodian Land in 800-1400 AD" is dedicated to the early stages of Christianity in Russia. The information from the written sources seems unable to cover the process of Christianisation in Russia to the full, which demands active usage of archeo-logical materials. The book in view for the first time presents and analyses the whole variety of items of personal piety relating to IX–XIII centuries and discovered in the burial memorials of the Kievan Russia and the Novgorodian principality.The Introduction declares that the study of the Christianisation of the ancient Russia on the basis of the archeological data requires not only collection, systematisation and analysis of the whole set of Christian antiquities of the medieval Russia (IX–XIII centuries), but also the exposure of all innovations in culture, connected with the dissemination of the new religion.In the view of the research task the author frames himself to the analysis of the data from funeral memorials, as it is the archeology of the burial rite that presents the most informative mate-rial on the early stages of the new ideology formation. For the territory investigated, the Nov-gorodian land of late XIII century was chosen. The territorial approach to the phenomena of the clerical life and Christian culture is in keeping with the standards of the canonical law of the East-ern Church. Novgorod with its neighborhood from the very beginning acts as one of the two centers of the formation of the ancient Russian state, and the history of the Church in Novgorodian land re-flects all the features of the Christianisation of ancient Russia. The features of political and social system in ancient Novgorod, as well as the peculiarities of its history (provided by the active Russian-Finnish contacts) left their imprint on the process of the development of Christian culture in Novgorodian land. As far as the main historical limits are concerned, two dates are accepted: 988 – the Baptism of Russia and the ...

International audience ; The book "Christianisation of the Novgorodian Land in 800-1400 AD" is dedicated to the early stages of Christianity in Russia. The information from the written sources seems unable to cover the process of Christianisation in Russia to the full, which demands active usage of archeo-logical materials. The book in view for the first time presents and analyses the whole variety of items of personal piety relating to IX–XIII centuries and discovered in the burial memorials of the Kievan Russia and the Novgorodian principality.The Introduction declares that the study of the Christianisation of the ancient Russia on the basis of the archeological data requires not only collection, systematisation and analysis of the whole set of Christian antiquities of the medieval Russia (IX–XIII centuries), but also the exposure of all innovations in culture, connected with the dissemination of the new religion.In the view of the research task the author frames himself to the analysis of the data from funeral memorials, as it is the archeology of the burial rite that presents the most informative mate-rial on the early stages of the new ideology formation. For the territory investigated, the Nov-gorodian land of late XIII century was chosen. The territorial approach to the phenomena of the clerical life and Christian culture is in keeping with the standards of the canonical law of the East-ern Church. Novgorod with its neighborhood from the very beginning acts as one of the two centers of the formation of the ancient Russian state, and the history of the Church in Novgorodian land re-flects all the features of the Christianisation of ancient Russia. The features of political and social system in ancient Novgorod, as well as the peculiarities of its history (provided by the active Russian-Finnish contacts) left their imprint on the process of the development of Christian culture in Novgorodian land. As far as the main historical limits are concerned, two dates are accepted: 988 – the Baptism of Russia and the ...

This article focuses on the role of language in the 19th-century development of national identities among the Croats and Serbs in Croatia, Dalmatia, Slavonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The issues of national self-determination, the ideas and goals of nationhood, and the methods and means for attainment of such goals were of considerable importance for 19th-century Croatian and Serbian intellectuals and politicians. From the early 19th century on, language and orthography were the most significant features of ethnic distinction between the Croats and Serbs. ; Za razliku od savremenih trendova u političkim naukama kao i studija iz oblasti nacionalizma koji uglavnom odbacuju ideju da је jezik glavna komponenta nacionalnog odredenja, u ХIХ. veku, а naročito u njegovoj рrvој роlоvini, nа vecem delu evropskog kontinenta је postojalo duboko uverenje da je jezik upravo tај identifikator uz čiju роmоć se sa nајvес́оm sigurnošću mоžе odrediti nečija nacionalna (tj. etnoIingvistifka) pripadnost. Drugim rečima, na osnovu jezičke pripadnosti odredivala se i nacionaina pripadnost [vidi Ferrando 1992; Smith 1996; Hargreaves. Ferrando 1997). Ovo uverenje je naročito dominiralo u nemačkim zemljama u doba romantizma ali se idejni koreni ovog uverenja mogu naći u epohi francuskih enciklopedista skraja XVIII. veka. Ideje nemačkih romantičara o nacionalnom grupisanju na osnovu jezičke pripadnosti su sredinom XIX. veka bile opšteprihvaćene na jugoistoku Evrope a naročito medu Južnim Slovenima u Habsburškoj Monarhiji. Južnoslovenski lingvisti i političari su sledili nemačke romantičare ne samo po pitanju odredivanja kriterijuma za nacionalnu pripadnost već i po pitanju principa stvaranja nacionalne države: "jedan jezik – jedna nacija – jedna država"

Раздел "Международное право" - рубрика "Вопросы теории" ; According to the Charter of the United Nations the U.N. Security Council bears the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. The Council, however, stays sometimes inactive because of controversy among its members. States may thus invoke insufficient efficacy of the S.C. as the basis for actions by the decision of other U.N. organs (Korea crisis 1950, Congo 1961), for collective or individual self-defense. States also try to justify the use of individual coercive measures referring to the necessity to enforce Security Council resolutions (military action in Afghanistan 2001, Iraq 2003). At present the possibility to act "on the advice" of the Security Council in the case of its inactivity or insufficient efficacy is alleged on the following grounds: 1. Authorization of the S.C. to use "all necessary means". 2. Recognition by the S.C. of the existence of a threat or breach of international peace and security. 3. Authorization of the S.C. to take action in self-defense. 4. Enforcement of earlier resolution of the S.C. 5. Other justifications. The present article considers the status of the above-mentioned justifications without the explicit authorization by the U.N. Security Council in the context of the principle of non-intervention into the domestic affairs of states. The study allows to make the following conclusions. Whenever the system of the collective security provided for by the U.N. Charter doesn't function, the Security Council carries out its enforcement capacity by authorizing individual states or international organizations to act. This enforcement activity doesn't constitute intervention into the domestic affairs of states only in so far as it is accomplished in accordance with the authorization of the Council and ceases as soon as the purpose of the sanction is achieved. Other justifications (for example, recognition by the S.C. of the existence of a threat or breach of international peace and security, breach of obligations provided for in the S.C. resolutions, reference to the right of individual and collective self-defense, threat by the severest consequences) constitute no basis for the unilateral enforcement of the rulings of resolutions and therefore break the principle of non-intervention into the domestic affairs of states as well as the prohibition to use force or the threat of force in international relations. Inactivity or insufficient efficacy of the U.N. Security Council cannot be viewed as an authorization to resort to unilateral military measures either.

In 1804, the Karlovci Metropolitan Stevan Stratimirović created the concept of an autonomous tributary Orthodox Štokavian Slavonic-Serbian state, based on a common religion and language. The state would be governed by the Russian Grand Duke, would be under the Russian political-military protectorate, would be included only nominally in the Ottoman Empire, and would pay an annual fixed tribute to the Turkish Sultan as its suzerain.Stratimirovic's notion of a politically united Serbian nation, based on a common religion and language, and located within the borders of a single national state, anticipated unification of historical and ethnic Serbian territories from both the Ottoman Empire and the Habsburg Empire. His notion of national identification of the Serbs was quite innovative for the time. As a result, according to Stratimirovic, the Serbian nation was represented by the entire Eastern Orthodox South Slavic population that spoke the Shtokavian dialect and had for its literary language "Slavono-Serbian". As a result, all Balkan territories settled by the Orthodox Shtokavian-speaking Serbian South Slavs were to be included in this unified Serbia.Stratimirovic's ideas were expressed in a Memorandum submitted to the Russian Emperor Alexander I. The Memorandum made a major contribution to the development of modem Serbian political doctrines and ideologies. The Memorandum was undertaken during a turning point in Serbian history: the period of the First Serbian Uprising (1804–1813), and was one of the most influential plans of this period for Serbian emancipation and national political unification.

The paper refers to Russian and foreign archival documents, which became the basis for the analysis of relationships between the "party-and state authorities" and opposition in the Czech Republic in the late 80s of 20 th century. State authorities with conservative bias demanded that the "normalization" regime be stricter whereas "pragmatists" were contemplating a dialogue with the opposition. After the events of November 17 for a very long time also the followers of "non-political politics" in the opposition considered a dialogue with the pragmatic faction of the state authorities whereas the radical wing representatives were calling for immediate free elections and establishment of democratic institutions of power. However, it was the upward movement, beginning with the student demonstration of November 17, 1989 and ending with mass demonstrations which gathered as many as 700,000 people in Prague in the end of November, that gave momentum to historic transformation in the Czech Republic as it came up with its own hierarchy of historical priorities different from that of numerous government and opposition circles. These activists who were able to adjust their former standpoint to social expectations enjoyed public support. ; W artykule, na bazie rosyjskich i zagranicznych archiwalnych dokumentów poddane zostały analizie relacje między "partyjno-państwowym kierownictwem" i opozycją w Czechosłowacji w końcu lat 80-tych. Konserwatywnie nastawieni przedstawiciele władz domagali się zaostrzenia reżymu "normalizacji", natomiast "pragmatycy" brali pod uwagę dialog z opozycją. W opozycji zwolennicy "niepolitycznej polityki" też – do czasu wydarzeñ z 17 listopada, a także jeszcze długo po nich – brali pod uwagę dialog z nurtem pragmatycznym kierownictwa państwowego, natomiast zwolennicy radykalnego skrzydła domagali się natychmiastowego przeprowadzenia wolnych wyborów i formowania demokratycznych organów władzy. Ale właśnie ruch oddolny – począwszy od demonstracji studenckiej z 17 listopada 1989 roku i kończąc masowymi demonstracjami, gromadzącymi w Pradze w drugiej połowie listopada nawet po siedemset tysięcy uczestników nadawało w Czechosłowacji tempo przemianom historycznym, inaczej akcentując historyczne priorytety, niż to zakładały różne środowiska zarówno rządowe, jak i opozycyjne. Powodzeniem cieszyli się ci działacze, którzy, umieli skorygowaæ swoje poprzednie stanowisko zgodnie ze społecznymi oczekiwaniami.

The article conceders the main aspects of the FRG current foreign policy and the factor having influence upon the foreign policy doctrine formation. The author focuses on the analysis of the FRG foreign policy priorities such as relation with the EU, partnership with US, reinforcing of the UN and strengthening of the OSCE. Special attention is given to the role of the german parties and their influence on the foreign policy. The author comes to the conclusion that the FRG is one of the most powerful and influential state of the modern world.