Suchergebnisse

Study on the historical background and present situation of the educationally diadvantaged minority groups in the school systems of Sri lanka, with emphasis on the Tamils. Examination of the educational policies concerning the educational problems of ethnic groups. (Centre for the Study of Education in Developing Countries)

This bibliography on women in Indonesia lists 269 periodical articles and monographs in the following divisions: general; women and economy; women and family; women and health; women and children; women in film and literature; women and migrations; women and education; women and their organizations; women, law and religion; various subjects. Most items are annotated. An author and a geographical index have been added.(Koninkl. Inst. voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde)

THE ANALYSIS OF CHANGES IN VOTING BEHAVIOR IS OFTEN BASED UPON RECALL DATA. THE NOTE OF RELIABILITY OF THIS TYPE OF DATA IS QUESTIONED. RECALL DATA UNDERESTIMATE THE NUMBER OF CHANGES IN PARTY CHOICE. NO EVIDENCE HAS BEEN FOUND THAT THE USE OF RECALL DATA HAS ANY CONSEQUENCES FOR THE STUDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE STABILITY OF PARTY CHOICE & SUCH VARIABLES AS POLITICAL INTEREST, POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE, & EDUCATION. THE ANALYSIS OF THE RELIABILITY OF QUESTIONS ON TURN-OUT IS NOT CONCLUSIVE. THERE ARE VERY STRONG INDICATIONS THAT IN EACH ELECTION STUDY NONVOTERS GIVE LESS RELIABLE ANSWERS THAN VOTERS. THIS UNRELIABILITY IS ESPECIALLY HIGH WHEN RECALL DATA ARE USED. 11 TABLES. HA.

The aim here is to understand better the governing organizations of Us & high schools in a democratic environment. The Law for U Government Reform is studied & its model of government characterized in terms of ideal models. A small empirical research project was set up to investigate how the rules relative to departmental councils function to reach the objectives they are assigned. One must distinguish between the allotment of responsibility for making decisions on subjects that relate to the U's "output" (teaching, research, degrees) & matters that are related to the U "input." Three conceptions of authority & three models of U government must be noted: (1) the "professional" model (decisions rest with the best qualified scientific personnel), (2) the "corporate" model (every section of the U contributes to the government), & (3) the "council" model (all responsibilities are vested in the whole U). The Law for U Government Reform aims at working out the corporative model. Research must concentrate on the relationship between goals & implementation, & not on evaluating the goals set up by the Law. By & large, nonscientific personnel are represented in the councils. The student position on these councils is strong due to the absenteeism of other members. Propositions initiated by students or nonscientific personnel are a small minority of the adopted propositions. Propositions opposed by a majority of the scientific personnel present are always adopted. The main student input is found in the area of teaching goals. It is doubtful that the intended democratization of decision-making can be effectively accomplished in the framework of the departmental councils. 6 Tables, Appendix. HA Tr & Modified by A. Orianne.

The abolition of the political institutions of the Belgian provinces, as provided in the government declaration of 7 June 1977, puts into question the usefulness of these institutions. Light is thrown on policies at the provincial level, now & in the near past, by means of a brief functional & financial analysis. Juridical & institutional limitations have a restraining influence on the functioning of the provinces. A task analysis shows that provinces are primarily concerned with traditional tasks (eg, education traffic), & that they have also concerned themselves with modern social welfare tasks (eg, culture & community organization). Belgian provinces have very limited means. As a result, their current expenditures do not exceed 3% of all current public expenditures. This shows the relatively small importance of the provinces in the total government structure. 10 Tables. Modified HA.

Most theorists on international relations agree on recognizing natural resources, economic strength, technological development, political stability, & military strength as the five bases of a state's power. This unanimity is in sharp contrast with the divergences in the operationalizations of the power of states. Most operationalizations use only one or two bases of a state's power & thus are very limited in scope. Therefore, the demand for an operationalization sticking as closely as possible to the unanimity among theorists forces itself on the researcher. An attempt is made to transform the theoretical unanimity into an operational measure. Each power basis represented by partial indicators is listed: (1) natural resources--area, population, production of energy, (2) economic strength--gross national product, energy consumption, monetary stability, (3) technological development--level of alphabetization, number of students in higher education, scientific production & infrastructure, (4) political stability--length of independence, internal stability, & (5) military strength--number of men in the armed forces, conventional weapons, nuclear strength. The operationalization was obtained by granting all five power bases an equal share in the index & by giving an equal weight to the sums of the arithmetical values for fifteen partial indicators & thus, for the five indicators. The nation's power-index, thus obtained, was applied to 110 nation states as they existed at the beginning of the '70s. On this power scale, ratings differ from 29,046 indexpoints of world power (IWM) for the US to 276 IWM for Gambia & even less for a number of the smaller states that could not be investigated. Modified HA.

An extensive review is given of the book Graven naar Macht ([Digging for Power] Amsterdam: Van Gennep, 1975) by H. M. Helmers et al & with the collaboration of Jac. M. Anthonisse. The word Graven in the title not only means 'unearthing', but also refers to the research technique used: the analysis of graphs. The power in question is that allegedly possessed by the directors of big corporations, who spin a web of interlocking directorates within industry & finance & with government (particularly the Dept of Education & Sciences, of Economic Affairs, & the Social & Economic Council of the Netherlands). Although the authors are political scientists, they go beyond their competence by passing judgment on the contributions of economics, which they judge to be poor or entirely lacking. They argue that economics has lost sight of the phenomenon of power because it has become so mature in a technical sense, & abstract. Hence, the authors feel obliged to probe for the kernel of Dutch economy with a new method of analysis. It is argued that the authors missed the essentials of economic theorizing in general, that they were unaware even of those areas of economics that deal explicitly with at least part of the problem they want to tackle (especially the theory of allocation & of markets, managerial & behavioral theories of the firm, & the field of industrial organization) & that they failed to discover the core of Dutch economy, whether judged by the standards of their own approach or by comparison with the insights of economic theory. The gathering & presentation of the data & the presentation of graph theory are praised. The rest of the book is said to be a failure; the authors do not live up to their intentions. Modified HA.

Among the many factors that determine the development of a political democracy, political culture should be stressed. Research by Almond and Verba, and later similar research in Yugoslavia, show that there exists a rather strong connection between political culture and the stability of a democratic political system. As large and ever larger groups of people have access to television, this mass medium plays more and more prominent role in shaping political culture. When the population attains (as in many societies now) a certain basic level of education, the majority of programmes can be understood by everybody. With this, there is lessening of the discrimination as to the political information, at least in principle. Television is an especially potent medium for introducing people into subject areas for which they have shown little or no interest previously. In spite of selective processes, a good measure of such material reaches the viewer and causes changes in his mind. People, in short, become conscious of political processes, which means enhancing of political culture. After the advent of TV, the political process has been transformed into real life, that can be seen, heard and almost touched. With this, the politician and politics itself loses their mystique and moves into the area of the secular things. The politician's image on the TV screen in not only physically diminished, but also psychologically deflated: now everybody can measure and criticize him by use of common yardsticks. In that way ordinary citizens gain certain strength, of the psychological nature, that becomes a part of their new political culture. Furthermore, television acts as an integrator and affirmer of small, isolated opposition groups. This is especially important for political systems in which political life has been integrated around two or three great political parties, and everything outside, remains unnoticed and ineffective. When such a small political group gets a portion of TV time (as it must, because it il »news« by definition), it immediately draws the support of all similar element in society and by that the chance to influence the broader political process. Naturally, television does not have only positive effects on political culture and political process. We not forget that television, with rare exceptions, is under direct and strong monopolistic control of varied political and other elites. The television viewer is to a large extent a victim of manipulation. Furthermore, there are some authors that consider television detrimental for political action, because it purportedly passivizes the public. But our conclusion is still on the positive side. The suppression of news and information in general, cannot go too far except in countries that are cut off the rest of the world in a seal-tight fashion. If people get information and that during long periods, (throughout years and decades), they cannot but form their attitudes, and become readier for political action, »spectoritis« or not. The whole problem of television influence on viewer should be always discussed in a broad time perspective, and not, as in some of the current research, in an artificially isolated moment. And so, to conclude, television does build the basic psycho-cultural prerequisites for better political participation, and by that, for a more democratic world.