Suchergebnisse

U ovom su radu analizirani stavovi srednjoškolaca prema selektiranim demokratskim vrijednostima, odnos između shvaćanja i sociodemografskih obilježja učenika srednjih škola te su uspoređena gledišta učenika, njihovih roditelja i profesora. Korišteni su podaci prikupljeni 1993. i 1998. godine u sklopu projekata "Genealogija i transfer modela interkulturalizma" i "Školski kurikulum i obilježja hrvatske nacionalne kulture". Analiza rezultata pokazala je da je 1998. godine došlo do znatnih promjena u stavovima srednjoškolaca prema demokratskim vrijednostima u odnosu prema prijašnjem istraživanju. Promjene se očituju u statistički značajno manjem stupnju prihvaćanja vrijednosti, i to prema sedamnaest, od ponuđenih devetnaest vrijednosti. Nadalje, u oba je istraživanja utvrđeno da varijable socioobrazovnog statusa znatno distingviraju ispitanike s obzirom na njihove stavove. Učenici s boljim uspjehom u školi, polaznici gimnazija i oni s višim obrazovnim aspiracijama i podrijetlom imaju pozitivniji odnos prema demokratskim vrijednostima. Velike su razlike utvrđene s obzirom na stupanj prihvaćanja vrijednosti između učenika, roditelja i profesora. Općenito, najveće slaganje sa svim ponuđenim vrijednostima iskazuju profesori, a najmanje učenici. ; This article analyses the attitudes of high school students towards selected democratic values and the relation between attitudes and socio-demographic characteristics, and compares the attitudes of students, their parents and teachers. The data were obtained during 1993 and 1998 within projects "Genealogy and transfer of models of interculturalism" and "School curriculum and characteristics of Croatian national culture". The analysis of the results showed the significant changes in students' attitudes towards democratic values in 1998 in comparison with the previous study. The changes are revealed through statistically significant lower degree of acceptance of 17 out of 19 suggested values. Furthermore, both studies showed that the variables of socio-educational status distinguish the subjects significantly in regard to their attitudes. Students with higher educational achievement, those attending the academic high schools and those with higher educational aspirations have more positive attitude towards democratic values. The significant differences were also found in the degree of acceptance of those values among students, parents and teachers. Generally, teachers showed the highest acceptance of all suggested values, while students showed the lowest. ; In dieser Arbeit werden Einstellungen der Mittelschüler zu den ausgewählten demokratischen Werten sowie das Verhältnis zwischen den Einstellungen und sozio-demographischen Merkmalen der befragten Mittelschüler analysiert und mit den Einstellungen ihrer Eltern und Lehrer verglichen. Die benutzten Daten wurden 1993 und 1998 im Rahmen von Projekten "Genealogie und Transfer des Interkulturalismusmodells" bzw. "Schulkurrikulum und Merkmale der kroatischen Nationalkultur" erhoben. Die Analyse der Ergebnisse zeigte, dass 1998 im Vergleich zu den früheren Untersuchungen zu bedeutenden Änderungen in den Einstellungen der Mittelschüler zu den demokratischen Werten gekommen ist. Diese Änderungen äußern sich in dem statistisch bedeutend geringeren Akzeptieren der vorgeschlagenen Werte, und zwar bei den siebzehn von neunzehn angeführten Werten. Weiterhin wurde in den beiden Untersuchungen festgestellt, dass sich die Befragten durch Variabeln ihrer sozialen Merkmale und ihrer Schulausbildung im Hinblick auf ihre Einstellungen gravierend unterscheiden. Schüler mit besseren Schulleistungen, Gymnasiasten sowie jene mit höheren Bildungsaspirationen und Herkunft haben eine positivere Stellung zu den demokratischen Werten. Bedeutende Abweichungen ergeben sich auch hinsichtlich der Akzeptanz der genannten Werte unter den Schülern, deren Eltern und Lehrern. Insgesamt finden die angebotenen Werte die höchste Zustimmung unter den befragten Lehrern, und die kleinste unter den Schülern.

In contrast to comparative economic studies concentrating on gross national & per capita income, a new approach is presented stressing per capita consumption. Personal expenditures are classified as primary (food, clothing, & shelter), secondary (education, transportation), & luxury. Data from Brazil, El Salvador, the Ivory Coast, Italy, the Netherlands, the Philippines, Portugal, Sierra Leone, South Korea, Tanzania, & the US are used to derive an index of consumption inequality, the validity of which is established by a cross-sectional design. 3 Tables, 3 Figures, 2 Appendixes, 22 References. M. Meeks

RAND Europe conducted a series of four seminar games for the Dutch Ministry of Education, Culture and Science to investigate under a variety of possible futures the role of policy in sustaining high quality scientific research. They found: 1) No revolutionary changes are needed to the Dutch policy vision of scientific research, 2) There are two independent values driving the need for scientific research: science as a tool for improving society and scientific knowledge as an inherent good, 3) A lot of the criticism of current science policies results from anxiety arising from uncertainty and co

S. M. Lipset's thesis (see SA 8:1/607105) that the Wc, more so than other SCs, is predisposed to authoritarian & antidemocratic attitudes is criticized on the grounds that his conceptualization & measurement of SC is inaccurate & inappropriate. Investigation using an empirical class model (see Eric Olin Wright's Class, Crisis and the State, London: Verso [NLB 1978], 1979) fails to show the Wc as more authoritarian than other SCs; on the contrary, education seems to be the most important factor. It is concluded that the measurement of SC is crucial to empirical investigations of Wc authoritarianism; some theoretical implications are briefly discussed. 6 Tables, 2 Figures, 39 References. Modified HA

O modelu "nacionalne kulture" Geerta Hofstedea raspravlja se u ovom članku s tri aspekta. Sa sociološkog aspekta, model je izraz interesa multinacionalnih korporacija u eri globalizacije za uklanjanjem kulturnih prepreka poslovanju, koje su uspostavili modeli značenja kulture u sklopu carstava i nacija-država, preferirajući oštre distinkcije i fundamentalnu neusporedivost kultura. Drugi aspekt rasprave je metodološki, gdje se upozorava na problem odnosa između empirijskih varijacija i tipičnosti u Hofstedeovu modelu, budući da on zanemaruje promjenjivost i proturječja u kulturnom obrascu. I treći aspekt, pedagoški, odnosi se na pitanje može li se ili na koji način model upotrijebiti kao predložak za izradu odgojno-obrazovnog kurikuluma, odnosno pedagoški preporučljivog vrijednosno-normativnog obrasca orijentacije (učenika), u demokratskom i pluralističkom, ali i sve više tržišno povezanom i neizvjesnom svijetu. ; Geert Hofstede's model of "national culture" is discussed from three aspects. From the sociological aspect, the model represents the expression of multinational companies' interests for the removal of cultural barriers to business in the era of globalization, the barriers established by the models of importance of culture within empires and nation-states, preferring strict distinctions and fundamental incomparability of cultures. The second aspect of the discussion is methodological, pointing to the problem of relationship between empirical variations and typicalnesses in Hofstede's model, since it does not sufficiently allow for variability and discrepancies in cultural pattern. The third, educational aspect, considers the question whether it is or how is it possible to use this model as a sample for an educational curriculum, i.e. pedagogically recommendable value-normative pattern of students' orientation in the world which is democratic and pluralistic, but at the same time more and more market-united and uncertain. ; Über das Modell der "nationalen Kultur" von Geert Hofstede wird in diesem Artikel unter drei Gesichtspunkten gesprochen. Aus soziologischer Sicht kommen in diesem Modell Interessen multinationaler Konzerne zum Ausdruck, in der Zeit der Globalisierung kulturelle Barrieren für ihre Geschäftstätigkeit zu beseitigen, die durch Bedeutungsmodelle der Kultur im Rahmen der Weltreiche und nationalen Staaten aufgebaut wurden, indem sie scharfe Trennungslinien und grundsätzliche Unvergleichbarkeit von Kulturen bevorzugten. Der zweite Aspekt der Diskussion ist methodologischer Natur. Dabei wird das Verhältnis zwischen empirischen Varianten und dem Idealtyp in Hofstedes Modell kritisch überprüft, da es ungenügend die Veränderlichkeit und Widersprüchlichkeit von Kulturmustern berücksichtigt. Der dritte, pädagogische Gesichtspunkt bezieht sich auf die Frage, ob und wie dieses Modell als Vorlage für die Ausarbeitung eines Bildungs- und Erziehungskurrikulums bzw. eines pädagogisch vertretbaren normativen Wertmusters zur Orientierung von Schülern in einer demokratischen und pluralen, jedoch wirtschaftlich immer mehr vernetzten und unsicheren Welt benutzt werden kann.

The central features of the political "profile" of European women at the beginning of this decade were a diminished interest in politics, infrequent inclusion of political topics in private conversations, & decreased willingness to adopt a political option. Compared to other European countries, Croatia projects an entirely different image: a pronounced interest of women in politics, very similar to that of men! This partly proves the "law" that a rise in level of education, working outside home, & middle age are the catalysts for women's desire to enter the world of politics. The transition, the war, & the "legacy" of socialist ideology account for this massive public interest in politics & the much lessened gender differences. 14 Tables, 5 References. Adapted from the source document.

The central features of the political "profile" of European women at the beginning of this decade were a diminished interest in politics, infrequent inclusion of political topics in private conversations, & decreased willingness to adopt a political option. Compared to other European countries, Croatia projects an entirely different image: a pronounced interest of women in politics, very similar to that of men! This partly proves the "law" that a rise in level of education, working outside home, & middle age are the catalysts for women's desire to enter the world of politics. The transition, the war, & the "legacy" of socialist ideology account for this massive public interest in politics & the much lessened gender differences. 14 Tables, 5 References. Adapted from the source document.