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The citizenship principle is again in vogue. Citizenship is defined by status, identity, virtues, & the ideal of social cohesion. Citizens are viewed as subjects, clients, & participants. The text describes the dilemmas about the various dimensions of citizenship. Contemporary adult education as part of lifetime education is closely linked to the citizenship principle, particularly active citizenship. In its various forms, it aids in establishing active citizenship & is altered in the process. 78 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the relationship between political science & political education by identifying the fundamental contributions of political science to the design, implementation, & promotion of political education & lists the most significant political science arguments proving the necessity of political education. Drawing on research by Putnam, Ostroom, & others, he tries to show how the so-called social capital, to a large extent inclusive of the contents of democratic political culture, is a major factor in the efficient operation of democratic government & in the political development of democracy. The three most important issues (dimensions) of politics that compose the axis of political education are analyzed in detail, dealing with the relationships between politics & democracy, citizenship & identity, & cohesion & diversity (fragmentation & pluralization) in society. The answers to these questions (liberal, communitarian, republican, postmodern) influence the concept of political education: its terms, goals, programs, methods, & other aspects of its implementation. The author stresses the complexity of these dimensions & consequently the sensitivity of political education. Adapted from the source document.

Two analyses have been carried out for the purpose of this study. The first refers to the analysis of the gender differences in the development of civil sense (understanding citizenship) & the practice of citizenship (practicing citizenship). The second refers primarily to the analysis of the variables of the "school experience" (the school climate or the perceived opportunity for an open classroom discussion, & the variables of the perceived tasks of classroom learning or education) & how they influence the expected voting behaviour of adults. The findings were compared to similar international comparative studies (the 2001 TEA study, C. Hahn's study of 1998). Our study has shown that the gender differences regarding the civil political sense & the culture among young people have been diminishing but have not fully disappeared, & that there are significant differences among individual countries in that respect. Our research has shown that there are significant gender differences in their understanding of citizenship; these differences are somewhat smaller for the variable of the practice of citizenship among high-school students. However, those differences are not particularly pronounced. It seems that it is no longer justified to talk about civil political culture as "male culture," though gender still creates marked differences but no longer solely in favour of men. We have not come to the end of the road leading to a balanced civil political culture yet, at least regarding gender. & secondly, our study has shown that the political education of students & the perceived tasks of political education in schools influence the expected adult voting behaviour. This confirms the thesis that the classroom political education is relevant, at least to a limited degree, for the key variables of civil sense & practice. 4 Tables, 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author thematizes several aspects of political education. First, he describes the attitude of the two foremost international associations for political science (APSA & IPSA) toward political education & shows how political education, from the perspective of political science, can be perceived in two ways: as a field of application & as a field of scientific interest. He goes on to list the main reasons for the revival of interest in political education in the last 10-15 years that has resulted in the acceptance of political education as an essential component of school systems in most democratic states. The author is particularly interested in the manner in which political education within school systems is institutionalized. Based on insights into existing practices, the author offers a classification with four basic models -- political education by means of a hidden curriculum; as an educational principle; as a segment of the integrated social education; & as a separate subject. Using this classification, the author analyzed the existing models of political education in 26 European states. Results show that the dominant models are the model of the separate subject & the model of the integrated social education. The author thinks that such a choice is the result of the research findings that suggest a greater effectiveness of these two models. 3 Tables, 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author deals with the problem of adjustment to the Bologna process, using the philosophical-political distinctions between open & guided intertraditional exchange, & between utopian & piecemeal social engineering. In his opinion, the process might be perceived as a sort of cultural imperialism that need not be disastrous for its victims. The reform should create the conditions for the organization of serious multidisciplinary studies at the university level (European studies, American studies, gender studies, peace studies, etc). Should changes at the U of Zagreb be implemented systematically, though prudently, the results could be positive. However, the author warns that the role of tradition should not be underestimated nor the possibility of serious quandaries in the implementation of the reform of higher education excluded, even if the changes are introduced gradually. 4 References. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper, the author has tried to describe the relationship between Rawls's concept of the person, social cooperation, & political education. Rawls precisely links political education with the liberal political outlook & not to life in general. Hence, the importance for his theory of the notion of "reasonable pluralism" & the reasonably disagreeing conceptions of a good life. The author has tried to show that, for Rawls, it is the concept of the reasonable individual that is the goal of political education, ie, the ability of a person to adopt the fundamental principles of justice as the conditions for social cooperation, while the "burdens of judgment" are the source & the framework of fundamental political virtues (toleration, respect, reciprocity, politeness, etc) that Rawls promotes & considers important for the idea of the public reason, ie, a sort of deliberative democracy, as well as for the very existence & stability of a political system. Thus, Rawls got involved in the debate on the conception of liberal virtues & the possibility of their political socialization & education. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

U ovom su radu analizirani stavovi srednjoškolaca prema selektiranim demokratskim vrijednostima, odnos između shvaćanja i sociodemografskih obilježja učenika srednjih škola te su uspoređena gledišta učenika, njihovih roditelja i profesora. Korišteni su podaci prikupljeni 1993. i 1998. godine u sklopu projekata "Genealogija i transfer modela interkulturalizma" i "Školski kurikulum i obilježja hrvatske nacionalne kulture". Analiza rezultata pokazala je da je 1998. godine došlo do znatnih promjena u stavovima srednjoškolaca prema demokratskim vrijednostima u odnosu prema prijašnjem istraživanju. Promjene se očituju u statistički značajno manjem stupnju prihvaćanja vrijednosti, i to prema sedamnaest, od ponuđenih devetnaest vrijednosti. Nadalje, u oba je istraživanja utvrđeno da varijable socioobrazovnog statusa znatno distingviraju ispitanike s obzirom na njihove stavove. Učenici s boljim uspjehom u školi, polaznici gimnazija i oni s višim obrazovnim aspiracijama i podrijetlom imaju pozitivniji odnos prema demokratskim vrijednostima. Velike su razlike utvrđene s obzirom na stupanj prihvaćanja vrijednosti između učenika, roditelja i profesora. Općenito, najveće slaganje sa svim ponuđenim vrijednostima iskazuju profesori, a najmanje učenici. ; This article analyses the attitudes of high school students towards selected democratic values and the relation between attitudes and socio-demographic characteristics, and compares the attitudes of students, their parents and teachers. The data were obtained during 1993 and 1998 within projects "Genealogy and transfer of models of interculturalism" and "School curriculum and characteristics of Croatian national culture". The analysis of the results showed the significant changes in students' attitudes towards democratic values in 1998 in comparison with the previous study. The changes are revealed through statistically significant lower degree of acceptance of 17 out of 19 suggested values. Furthermore, both studies showed that the variables of socio-educational status distinguish the subjects significantly in regard to their attitudes. Students with higher educational achievement, those attending the academic high schools and those with higher educational aspirations have more positive attitude towards democratic values. The significant differences were also found in the degree of acceptance of those values among students, parents and teachers. Generally, teachers showed the highest acceptance of all suggested values, while students showed the lowest. ; In dieser Arbeit werden Einstellungen der Mittelschüler zu den ausgewählten demokratischen Werten sowie das Verhältnis zwischen den Einstellungen und sozio-demographischen Merkmalen der befragten Mittelschüler analysiert und mit den Einstellungen ihrer Eltern und Lehrer verglichen. Die benutzten Daten wurden 1993 und 1998 im Rahmen von Projekten "Genealogie und Transfer des Interkulturalismusmodells" bzw. "Schulkurrikulum und Merkmale der kroatischen Nationalkultur" erhoben. Die Analyse der Ergebnisse zeigte, dass 1998 im Vergleich zu den früheren Untersuchungen zu bedeutenden Änderungen in den Einstellungen der Mittelschüler zu den demokratischen Werten gekommen ist. Diese Änderungen äußern sich in dem statistisch bedeutend geringeren Akzeptieren der vorgeschlagenen Werte, und zwar bei den siebzehn von neunzehn angeführten Werten. Weiterhin wurde in den beiden Untersuchungen festgestellt, dass sich die Befragten durch Variabeln ihrer sozialen Merkmale und ihrer Schulausbildung im Hinblick auf ihre Einstellungen gravierend unterscheiden. Schüler mit besseren Schulleistungen, Gymnasiasten sowie jene mit höheren Bildungsaspirationen und Herkunft haben eine positivere Stellung zu den demokratischen Werten. Bedeutende Abweichungen ergeben sich auch hinsichtlich der Akzeptanz der genannten Werte unter den Schülern, deren Eltern und Lehrern. Insgesamt finden die angebotenen Werte die höchste Zustimmung unter den befragten Lehrern, und die kleinste unter den Schülern.

O modelu "nacionalne kulture" Geerta Hofstedea raspravlja se u ovom članku s tri aspekta. Sa sociološkog aspekta, model je izraz interesa multinacionalnih korporacija u eri globalizacije za uklanjanjem kulturnih prepreka poslovanju, koje su uspostavili modeli značenja kulture u sklopu carstava i nacija-država, preferirajući oštre distinkcije i fundamentalnu neusporedivost kultura. Drugi aspekt rasprave je metodološki, gdje se upozorava na problem odnosa između empirijskih varijacija i tipičnosti u Hofstedeovu modelu, budući da on zanemaruje promjenjivost i proturječja u kulturnom obrascu. I treći aspekt, pedagoški, odnosi se na pitanje može li se ili na koji način model upotrijebiti kao predložak za izradu odgojno-obrazovnog kurikuluma, odnosno pedagoški preporučljivog vrijednosno-normativnog obrasca orijentacije (učenika), u demokratskom i pluralističkom, ali i sve više tržišno povezanom i neizvjesnom svijetu. ; Geert Hofstede's model of "national culture" is discussed from three aspects. From the sociological aspect, the model represents the expression of multinational companies' interests for the removal of cultural barriers to business in the era of globalization, the barriers established by the models of importance of culture within empires and nation-states, preferring strict distinctions and fundamental incomparability of cultures. The second aspect of the discussion is methodological, pointing to the problem of relationship between empirical variations and typicalnesses in Hofstede's model, since it does not sufficiently allow for variability and discrepancies in cultural pattern. The third, educational aspect, considers the question whether it is or how is it possible to use this model as a sample for an educational curriculum, i.e. pedagogically recommendable value-normative pattern of students' orientation in the world which is democratic and pluralistic, but at the same time more and more market-united and uncertain. ; Über das Modell der "nationalen Kultur" von Geert Hofstede wird in diesem Artikel unter drei Gesichtspunkten gesprochen. Aus soziologischer Sicht kommen in diesem Modell Interessen multinationaler Konzerne zum Ausdruck, in der Zeit der Globalisierung kulturelle Barrieren für ihre Geschäftstätigkeit zu beseitigen, die durch Bedeutungsmodelle der Kultur im Rahmen der Weltreiche und nationalen Staaten aufgebaut wurden, indem sie scharfe Trennungslinien und grundsätzliche Unvergleichbarkeit von Kulturen bevorzugten. Der zweite Aspekt der Diskussion ist methodologischer Natur. Dabei wird das Verhältnis zwischen empirischen Varianten und dem Idealtyp in Hofstedes Modell kritisch überprüft, da es ungenügend die Veränderlichkeit und Widersprüchlichkeit von Kulturmustern berücksichtigt. Der dritte, pädagogische Gesichtspunkt bezieht sich auf die Frage, ob und wie dieses Modell als Vorlage für die Ausarbeitung eines Bildungs- und Erziehungskurrikulums bzw. eines pädagogisch vertretbaren normativen Wertmusters zur Orientierung von Schülern in einer demokratischen und pluralen, jedoch wirtschaftlich immer mehr vernetzten und unsicheren Welt benutzt werden kann.

U svibnju 1841. godine otvorena je pri Židovskoj općini u Zagrebu prva škola, Bildungsschule, i prvi učitelj bio je Karl Saphir. U Varaždinu je tada već postojala škola sa 65 učenika. Troškovi škole namirivali su se školarinom i dobrovoljnim prilozima, a siromašni đaci bili su oslobođeni plaćanja. U listopadu 1855, nakon kraće stanke, otvorena je u Židovskoj općini Trivialschule sa tri razreda. Podučavani su njemački jezik i hebrejski predmeti. Jezik u nastavi u školama Hrvatske bio je odraz političkih prilika. Dok se u pučkim školama dozvoljavao "zemaljski pučki jezik", u gimnazijama se učilo na stranim jezicima. Tako je 1848. u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji nastavni jezik latinski s obveznim mađarskim. 1849/50 uveden je "ilirski jezik" s obveznim njemačkim. Poslije je njemački jezik proširen i na nastavu povijesti, prirodopisa, matematike i fizike. Ilirski jezik je službeni do 1854, a poslije se uvodi hrvatski, ali samo za učenje hrvatskog jezika i vjeronauka. U Rijeci je u školama neko vrijeme ilirski i talijanski jezik, a od 1854/55 njemački. ; The first Jewish schools in Croatia were founded in Varaždin and Zagreb, and later in Osijek. At first, they were under the control of the Catholic Church as were other Croatian schools. In 1851/52 there were four Jewish schools with 131 pupils and in 1853/54 the number of pupils amounted to 277. The first Jewish school was established in Zagreb in 1841 and in 1889 it was moved to a new Community building containing four classrooms. The first director was Rabbi Dr Hosea Jakobi. Besides the obligatory curriculum, pupils learnt the Bible, holiday customs and the Hebrew language. For pupils at other elementary schools in Zagreb religious education was conducted several times a week and secondary school pupils went to the Jewish community once a week to attend classes. Great attention was paid to the education of children and the young: support and scholarships were given; boarding schools, centres and canteens were founded. There were many youths and student's societies, for example, The Jewish Society for Supporting Poor Students, Judea, Esperanza (the Sephardim), Literary section and Credit cooperative "EZRA" and other organizations. In 1929/1920 the Jewish communities in Croatia numbered over 500 elementary pupils, over 1,000 secondary school pupils and more than 250 students at the University of Zagreb, mainly studying law and medicine (girls made up a quarter of this number). In the centres of Jewish communities secondary schools were attended by pupils from neighbouring villages and meals were organized for them (Tage esen) in Jewish families. Teachers from Jewish communities went to surrounding villages and organized religious education. Many libraries and cultural, music and other activities were organized for children and youth in the communities. ; Tekst je objavljen u knjizi "Židovi u Hrvatskoj - židovske zajednice", Zagreb, 2004, str. 141-145 (the text was published in the book "Jews in Croatia - Jewish Communities", Zagreb, 2004, pp. 141-145).

Rezultati teorijsko — komparativne analize i empirijskog dijela istraživanja u sklopu znanstvenoistraživačkih projekata "Genealogija i transfer modela interkulturalizma" (1991.— 1996.) i "Školski kurikulum i obilježja hrvatske nacionalne kulture" 1997. — 2002.) upućuju na zaključak kako ispitanici sebe vide primarno u okruženju nekih nacija: Hrvati, pa Amerikanci, Talijani, Nijemci i prema njima iskazujuj socijalnu blizinu. Kod nacija i etniciteta kod kojih je više iskazano neprihvaćanje: Srbi, Crnogorci, Romi., ne može se govoriti o crno-bijelim odnosima, jer istovremeno nije zanemariv postotak odgovora koji upućuju na prihvaćanje. Sličan je trend prisutan u odnosu na socijalne udaljenosti prema vjerskim skupinama. Dobiveni rezultati mogu pomoći definirati obrazovnu politiku te mogu pridonijeti neposrednoj školskoj praksi u procesu osuvremenjivanja odgojnog rada, i s gledišta rasterećenja od nepotrebnih sadržaja, prema uvođenju inoviranih programa, poboljšanju kvalitete udžbenika i drugih izvora znanja, u kontekstu interkulturalne pedagoške komunikacije. ; The results of theoretical-comparative analysis and of the empirical part of the study conducted as part of projects "Genealogy and transfer of models of interculturalism" 1991-1996 and "School curriculum and characteristics of Croatian national culture" 1997-2002 point to the conclusion that subjects perceive themselves as primarily surrounded by certain nations: Croats, then Americans, Italians, Germans, expressing greater social closeness towards them. In the case of less accepted nations and ethnic groups, such as Serbs, Montenegrins, Roma, etc. it is not possible to speak about "black and white" relations, since at the same time there is a certain percent of answers pointing to acceptance. There is a similar trend in the relation of social distance towards religious groups. The obtained results can help in the definition of educational politics and immediate school practice in the process of modernization of educational work from the viewpoint of clearing away the superfluous teaching matter as well as introduction of innovated programs and improvement of quality of textbooks and other sources of knowledge in the context of intercultural educational communication. ; Ergebnisse der theoretisch-vergleichenden Analyse und der empirischen Untersuchung im Rahmen der wissenschaftlichen Forschungsprojekte "Genealogie und Transfer des Interkulturalismusmodells" 1991-1996 und "Schulkurrikulum und Merkmale der kroatischen Nationalkultur" 1997-2002 lassen die Schlussfolgerung zu, dass die Befragten sich selbst und die anderen primar im Umfeld einer Nation betrachten: als Kroaten, Amerikaner, Italiener, Deutsche und dass sie zu diesen Gruppen eine ausgeprägte soziale Nähe aufweisen. Bei den Nationalitäten und ethnischen Gruppen, bei denen die Nichtannahme ausgeprägter ist, wie z.B. bei den Serben, Montenegrinern, Roma kann jedoch nicht von "schwarzweissen" Beziehungen gesprochen werden, da gleichzeitig der Prozentsatz der Akzeptanz zeigenden Antworten nicht zu vernachlässigen ist. Ein ähnlicher Trend zeigt sich auch im Verhältnis der sozialen Ferne zu den einzelnen Religionsgemeinschaften. Die erhobenen Resultate können bei der Definierung der Bildungspolitk und in der unmittelbaren Schulpraxis als Orientierung herangezogen werden, um den Ausbildungsprozess zu modernisieren, sowohl im Hinblick auf die Entlastung von unnötigen Lehrinhalten als auch im Hinblick auf die Einführung neuer Lehrprogramme und Verbesserung von Lehrbüchern und anderen Wissensquellen, im Kontext der interkulturellen pädagogischen Kommunikation.