Suchergebnisse

Der Begriff 'Bildungsferne' – in Deutschland eher auf politischer als auf wissenschaftlicher Ebene verwendet – beschreibt mehr als das Fehlen (höherer) formaler Bildungsabschlüsse und ist deshalb nicht gleichzusetzen mit Geringqualifizierung. In seinem Zusammenhang steht auch die Frage nach den Bildungschancen, d.h. dem Zugang zu Bildungsmöglichkeiten. Bildungsferne bezeichnet damit zunächst eine Benachteiligung in Bezug auf Bildungschancen, v.a. gegründet auf soziodemographische Faktoren, wie soziale Herkunft und Sozialisation, regionale Herkunft, Migrationshintergrund, Alter, Behinderung etc. Wenn von bildungsfernen Gruppen die Rede ist, wird jedoch außerdem zumeist auf wirtschaftliche schwache, gering qualifizierte, lernungewohnte Bevölkerungsgruppen Bezug genommen, für die der Zugang zu (Weiter-)Bildungsmöglichkeiten aufgrund ihrer sozialen und ökonomischen Voraussetzungen eingeschränkt ist und in deren sozialen Milieus Bildung einen geringen Stellenwert einnimmt. m Rahmen eines interkulturellen Lehr-Forschungs-Projektes der Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena und der Eötvös-Loránd-Universität Budapest wurde in einer in beiden Ländern geführten empirischen Studie untersucht, ob Frauen in den beiden untersuchten Ländern eine bildungsferne Gruppe ausmachen, inwieweit Frauen in der ungarischen und der deutschen Gesellschaft heute noch benachteiligt sind und wie Bildung einer evtl. Benachteiligung entgegenwirken kann? Dazu wird zunächst die Situation von Frauen in der ungarischen und der deutschen Gesellschaft dargestellt und durch Gespräche mit Vertretern der Arbeitsämter sowie durch die Vorstellung von Bildungsangeboten speziell für Frauen in den beiden Ländern Antwort auf die Fragen gesucht. Weitere von anderen Gruppen in diesem Zwei-Länder-Projekt untersuchte Fragestellungen waren: o Potenziale des Alterns (http://www.db-thueringen.de/servlets/DocumentServlet?id=9749) o Fremdsprachenerwerb in der Erwachsenenbildung (http://www.db-thueringen.de/servlets/DocumentServlet?id=9894) *************************** ; The notion 'Bildungsferne' (appr. distance to learning), which is in Germany rather used on a political than on a scientific level, mainly describes the lack of (higher) formal educational achievements and is therefore not the same as lower qualification. Furthermore questions regarding the access to educational opportunities arise when examining this notion. First of all 'Bildungsferne' means discrimination with regard to educational opportunities, mainly based on sociodemographic factors, such as social background and socialization, regional provenance, migration background, age, disability, etc. When considering groups distal to learning one usually refers to people who are deprived, less qualified and who are not used to learning (anymore). Due to their social and economic prerequisites and because of the minor role which education plays within their social environment access to (further) educational opportunities is less important for this population group. In the context of an intercultural research project, which was realized by the Friedrich Schiller University of Jena and the Eötvös Loránd University of Budapest, it was examined, with the help of an empirical survey that was conducted in both countries, if women in both countries can be regarded as a group which is distal to learning, in how far women are still discriminated within the Hungarian and German society and in which way can education work against possible discrimination? Therefore the situation of women in the Hungarian and German society will be described and with the help of interviews, done with representatives of the respective employment centre, as well as the presentation of special educational opportunities for women, these questions will be answered. Further questions considered throughout this intercultural research project were: o Potentials of Senior Age (http://www.db-thueringen.de/servlets/DocumentServlet?id=9749) o How can adults learn foreign languages? (http://www.db-thueringen.de/servlets/DocumentServlet?id=9894) ***************************

The largest ethnic minority of the European Union is constituted by the approximately 10-12 million Roma population. Geographically they are primarily located in the South Eastern European EU Member States, and the solution of the Roma question constitutes a number one problem in the home affairs of these countries. Most of the countries are already members–or candidate members –of the European Union but their joining to the Western market economies is not lacking problems. As a consequence of the current financial and economic crisis, the EU has become even more "two-speed". In this crisis situation the situation of the Roma population living here has become particularly hopeless. The rapid increase in the number of the Roma population in South Eastern Europe living among the conditions of the demographic boom, as well as their geographical expansion intensify the sensitivity of the mainstream society regarding the questions of the transforming coexistence. The shift in the ratio within the population sharpened and magnified the differences between the dissimilar lifestyle and the philosophy of life respecting the two major social groups which led to sharpening tensions. Of course, the deeply desperate Roma population makes more and more attempts in order to be able to migrate from the South Eastern European countries to the richer regions of Western Europe and North America in the hope of an easier life. They, however, face more and more obstacles. The social and economic integration of the Roma population in Hungary is mainly hindered by the low level of education, the high level of unemployment, criminality and the existing prejudices experienced in the mainstream society.

A tanulmány célja a 2015-ben indult Modern városok program (MVP) iparfejlesztési elképzeléseinek kritikai elemzése a hazánkban kialakult függő piacgazdasági modell és a tartós gyengeségekkel küzdő fejlesztéspolitikai intézményrendszer tükrében. A gazdasági válság utáni Magyarországon a főáramú fejlesztéspolitikák kudarca, az ország gyenge felzárkózási teljesítménye növekvő érdeklődést eredményezett az alternatív gazdaságfejlesztési receptek iránt. Az új teret nyert developmentalista felfogás visszanyúl az erős állami beavatkozás ideájához, ezt azonban paradox módon olyan környezetben teszi, amelyben a gazdaság jelentős hányada külföldi beruházók kezében van, a hazai fejlesztéspolitika eszköz- és intézményrendszere pedig tartós és öröklődő gyengeségekkel küzd. A kormány és a fejlesztésre kijelölt megyei jogú városok külön megállapodásain nyugvó, uniós forrásokat újraelosztó Modern városok program projektszemléletű, vonásaiban a francia és a lengyel tervszerződésekhez hasonló (de azoknál gyengébb és esetlegesebb) fejlesztési eszközként, az új fejlesztési filozófia megtestesítőjeként jelent meg az állami cselekvésben. A program, bár elsősorban városfejlesztési eszköz, jelentős számban tartalmaz újraiparosításra irányuló vagy azt támogató fejlesztési célokat (77 projekt). A program elképzeléseit jelentős regionális különbségek fémjelzik. Az ország nyugati felében inkább a hagyományos fejlesztési eszközök alkalmazása és néhány tudásintenzív tevékenység letelepítésére irányuló törekvés figyelhető meg; a Dél-Alföldön és környezetében az endogén növekedési modell számára is kedvező komplex iparfejlesztési célok kerültek előtérbe; az ország ipari perifériáin azonban egyáltalán nem került sor igazi áttörést sejtető, előremutató fejlesztési célok megfogalmazására. Feltehető, hogy az MVP nyertesei elsősorban a már iparosodott vagy újraiparosodó térségek lesznek; a területi különbségek mérséklődése helyett a különbségek további növekedésére számíthatunk. A critical analysis of the Modern Cities Programme, a development programmelaunched by the Hungarian government in 2015, considers the reindustrialisation components as part of the debate on the varieties of capitalism (in particular the issue of Central and Eastern European dependent market economies) and the persisting institutional deficiencies in the Hungarian planning system. After the 2008 crisis, the low efficiency or failure of mainstream development policies and Hungary's poor convergence record have contributed to a growing interest in alternative development policies. The emerging development-policy vision is returning to the idea of strong state intervention, although paradoxically it continues to operate in an environment characterised by exceptionally high foreign participation in the economy, particularly in its most competitive segments. In addition, domestic development policy struggles with permanent and self-reinforcing institutional weaknesses that significantly reduce its effectiveness. The resulting re-centralisation has not only led to an increase in regional differences, but also to a further weakening of development institutions operating in cities and regions. Effective development systems (development coalitions and early-stage urban regimes) that are capable of setting and achieving coherent, systematic development goals exist only in a few select locations across the country. The Modern Cities Programme, essentially a redistribution of EU funds based on special agreements between the central government and the major Hungarian cities, is a project-based development agenda that somewhat resembles French and Polish planning contracts, albeit in a diluted and less coherent form. As an instrument of development policy, it fits into the new etatist development philosophy. Although the programme is predominantly an instrument of urban development, it also includes 77 projects directly or indirectly related to reindustrialisation. These initiatives focus mainly on improving transport links, developing specific sectors, vocational training, education and a limited R&D+I component. The programme characteristics vary greatly from region to region. In the western half of the country, traditional development instruments predominate with limited evidence of attempts at building up knowledge-intensive activities. In the Southern Great Plain, also complex industrial development goals are found that are conducive to endogenous growth, partly reflecting the lack of FDI in the region and a more SME-based development trajectory. The programme has not been able to realise favourable reindustrialisation initiatives in the peripheral industrial areas of Hungary. The fact that the programme tended to benefit 'winners' is likely to increase existing development gaps rather than reduce existing regional disparities.