Suchergebnisse

It is primarily the emergence of new state policies promoting market mechanisms in the field of education that has encouraged research on education markets (Maroy, 2006). In the 1980s, conservative American and British governments, drawing on theories of public choice (Chubb & Moe, 1998), encouraged reforms aimed at reducing the alleged inefficiency and ineffectiveness of the bureaucratic management of schools by increasing their autonomy as well as parental choice (Ball, 1993; Bosetti, 2005; Glennerster, 1991; Uchitelle, 1993). Similar reforms have also been implemented in various European countries for over 20 years (Mons, 2007), often in relation with a decennia-long co-existence of public and state-granted schools. These private schools are most often Catholic or protestant schools operating within a national educational system receiving state grants. The countries of the European Union can be divided into three groups according to the relationship private education has with the public authorities (Eurydice, 20001). In Greece and the UK, private schools receive no public funding. However, this absence of funding does not prevent the state from exercising control over private education institutions. In the UK, most denominational and other schools owned by churches or trustees are considered to form part of the public sector education. In the second group of countries (France, Italy, and Portugal), different types of contracts exist which create a link between private schools and public authorities. Depending on the type of contract, the school receives grants of a more or less significant amount and is freer to a greater or lesser extent with regard to conditions (of teaching, teacher recruitment, etc.) imposed by public authorities. Finally, within the last group, which comprises the majority of countries, grant-aided private schools appear to have much in common with public sector schools. In Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Spain, Ireland, Luxembourg, Austria, Finland, and Sweden, private education is grant ...

It is primarily the emergence of new state policies promoting market mechanisms in the field of education that has encouraged research on education markets (Maroy, 2006). In the 1980s, conservative American and British governments, drawing on theories of public choice (Chubb & Moe, 1998), encouraged reforms aimed at reducing the alleged inefficiency and ineffectiveness of the bureaucratic management of schools by increasing their autonomy as well as parental choice (Ball, 1993; Bosetti, 2005; Glennerster, 1991; Uchitelle, 1993). Similar reforms have also been implemented in various European countries for over 20 years (Mons, 2007), often in relation with a decennia-long co-existence of public and state-granted schools. These private schools are most often Catholic or protestant schools operating within a national educational system receiving state grants. The countries of the European Union can be divided into three groups according to the relationship private education has with the public authorities (Eurydice, 20001). In Greece and the UK, private schools receive no public funding. However, this absence of funding does not prevent the state from exercising control over private education institutions. In the UK, most denominational and other schools owned by churches or trustees are considered to form part of the public sector education. In the second group of countries (France, Italy, and Portugal), different types of contracts exist which create a link between private schools and public authorities. Depending on the type of contract, the school receives grants of a more or less significant amount and is freer to a greater or lesser extent with regard to conditions (of teaching, teacher recruitment, etc.) imposed by public authorities. Finally, within the last group, which comprises the majority of countries, grant-aided private schools appear to have much in common with public sector schools. In Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Spain, Ireland, Luxembourg, Austria, Finland, and Sweden, private education is grant ...

It is primarily the emergence of new state policies promoting market mechanisms in the field of education that has encouraged research on education markets (Maroy, 2006). In the 1980s, conservative American and British governments, drawing on theories of public choice (Chubb & Moe, 1998), encouraged reforms aimed at reducing the alleged inefficiency and ineffectiveness of the bureaucratic management of schools by increasing their autonomy as well as parental choice (Ball, 1993; Bosetti, 2005; Glennerster, 1991; Uchitelle, 1993). Similar reforms have also been implemented in various European countries for over 20 years (Mons, 2007), often in relation with a decennia-long co-existence of public and state-granted schools. These private schools are most often Catholic or protestant schools operating within a national educational system receiving state grants. The countries of the European Union can be divided into three groups according to the relationship private education has with the public authorities (Eurydice, 20001). In Greece and the UK, private schools receive no public funding. However, this absence of funding does not prevent the state from exercising control over private education institutions. In the UK, most denominational and other schools owned by churches or trustees are considered to form part of the public sector education. In the second group of countries (France, Italy, and Portugal), different types of contracts exist which create a link between private schools and public authorities. Depending on the type of contract, the school receives grants of a more or less significant amount and is freer to a greater or lesser extent with regard to conditions (of teaching, teacher recruitment, etc.) imposed by public authorities. Finally, within the last group, which comprises the majority of countries, grant-aided private schools appear to have much in common with public sector schools. In Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Spain, Ireland, Luxembourg, Austria, Finland, and Sweden, private education is grant aided, either partially or fully, but operates under more or less the same conditions as public sector education. In The Netherlands, financial equality between public and grant-aided private institutions is a constitutional right. The size of these public and non-public school sectors varies strongly between these European societies for specific historic reasons, and non-public schools disappeared in some of these societies as a consequence of the communist regime. [Article's first paragraph]

It is primarily the emergence of new state policies promoting market mechanisms in the field of education that has encouraged research on education markets (Maroy, 2006). In the 1980s, conservative American and British governments, drawing on theories of public choice (Chubb & Moe, 1998), encouraged reforms aimed at reducing the alleged inefficiency and ineffectiveness of the bureaucratic management of schools by increasing their autonomy as well as parental choice (Ball, 1993; Bosetti, 2005; Glennerster, 1991; Uchitelle, 1993). Similar reforms have also been implemented in various European countries for over 20 years (Mons, 2007), often in relation with a decennia-long co-existence of public and state-granted schools. These private schools are most often Catholic or protestant schools operating within a national educational system receiving state grants. The countries of the European Union can be divided into three groups according to the relationship private education has with the public authorities (Eurydice, 20001). In Greece and the UK, private schools receive no public funding. However, this absence of funding does not prevent the state from exercising control over private education institutions. In the UK, most denominational and other schools owned by churches or trustees are considered to form part of the public sector education. In the second group of countries (France, Italy, and Portugal), different types of contracts exist which create a link between private schools and public authorities. Depending on the type of contract, the school receives grants of a more or less significant amount and is freer to a greater or lesser extent with regard to conditions (of teaching, teacher recruitment, etc.) imposed by public authorities. Finally, within the last group, which comprises the majority of countries, grant-aided private schools appear to have much in common with public sector schools. In Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Spain, Ireland, Luxembourg, Austria, Finland, and Sweden, private education is grant aided, either partially or fully, but operates under more or less the same conditions as public sector education. In The Netherlands, financial equality between public and grant-aided private institutions is a constitutional right. The size of these public and non-public school sectors varies strongly between these European societies for specific historic reasons, and non-public schools disappeared in some of these societies as a consequence of the communist regime. [Article's first paragraph]

This note investigates the effects of the education level, product market rigidities and employment protection legislation on growth. It exploits macro-panel data for OECD countries. For countries close to the technological frontier, education and rigidities are significantly related to TFP growth. The contribution of the interaction between product market regulation and labour market rigidity seems particularly substantial.

This note investigates the effects of the education level, product market rigidities and employment protection legislation on growth. It exploits macro-panel data for OECD countries. For countries close to the technological frontier, education and rigidities are significantly related to TFP growth. The contribution of the interaction between product market regulation and labour market rigidity seems particularly substantial. -- Productivity ; growth ; regulations ; market rigidities ; education

Introduction --Understanding the Market in Higher Education in Africa /Emmanuel Mogaji, Felix Maringe, Robert Ebo Hinson --Theme 1: Private and Government Involvement --Public vs Private Universities in Nigeria: Market Dynamics Perspective /Sunday Olaleye, Dandison Ukpadi, Emmanuel Mogaji --Government Policies on Education in Africa /Oluseyi Ajayi, Babatunde Abina, Azeez Lawal --Addressing the Challenges of Higher Education in Africa: The role of African Governments, African Development Bank, and Business Corporations Operating in Africa /Taiwo Soetan --Towards an Understanding of Islamic Private Universities in Africa /Adam Sirajudeen, Thomas Wayne, Emmanuel Mogaji --Theme 2: Students and Staff as Stakeholders --Partnerships with Universities in South Africa: Challenges and Opportunities for Student and Staff Mobility /Samia Chasi --Marketing Higher Education: Creating value for refugee students /Otilia Chiramba, Felix Maringe --Marketing Higher Education Through Work-Readiness Programmes /Lovisa Nghipandulwa, Elina Amadhila, Ezekiel Kwembeya --Theme 3: Positioning for Added Advantage --Paving the Way for World Domination: Analysis of African Universities' Mission Statement /Savdeep Vasudeva, Emmanuel Mogaji --Typology of Nigeria Universities: A Strategic Marketing and Branding Implication /Temitope Farinloye, Ogechi Adeola, Emmanuel Mogaji --University League Tables and Ranking Systems in Africa: Emerging Prospects, Challenges and Opportunities /Ruth Kiraka, Felix Maringe, Watiri Kanyutu, Emmanuel Mogaji --Theme 4: Marketing Strategies for Universities --Training the Marketers for Implementing New Marketing Strategy: A Case from the University of Ghan /John Boateng --Marketing mix in a heterogenous Higher Education Market: A Case of Africa /Elizabeth Ndofirepi, Temitope Farinloye, Emmanuel Mogaji --Marketing Muslim Universities: Challenges and Opportunities with Specific Reference to the African Case /Lo Mbaye --Conclusion --Marketisation in higher education in Africa: new directions for a decolonising continent /Emmanuel Mogaji, Felix Maringe, Robert Ebo Hinson.

A market orientation is needed for traditional education programmes in land surveying, both towards the labour market and towards the market of the youngsters. Lund University started the land surveying programme in 1992 with a profile in GIS, but has turned towards real estate economy and management. The traditional core areas of surveying and land management are less focussed. The Programme Board of the School works hard to identify an optimal mixture of subjects for career profiles. This is based on the current and expected demand at the labour market, but also on the interests of the students born in the 80's, searching for their personal future in the society. Previous surveying generations are mostly oriented towards the central and local government authorities as employers, and towards surveying techniques or land management. Such narrow goals are not attractive enough today. A successful School of Surveying analyses market "symbols" of the youngsters, such as private sector, international opportunities, project leadership, negotiation skills, industrial management and a mixture of law, economics and engineering. The Master's degree in (Surveying) engineering has a settled value at the market, though repeated student failures in Mathematics call for a revised education curriculum. Up-rising BSc programmes in Geomatics, GIS, Real Estate Management and for Real Estate Brokers offer competitive professional specialisations. Our MSc programme must cater for generalist training for unknown future top careers. The current 50/50 male/female ratio is supported by the curriculum profile, which has erased the previous mal characteristic of the profession. The female generation of the 80's requires our best attention.