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This article presents the analysis of the news production of El Extra, La Hora and La Gaceta, three written media in Ecuador with the highest national, regional and local circulation respectively. The objective was to determine to what extent their contents are generated from a human rights perspective. Thus, two aspects were addressed: 1) informative production based on the index of violation of rights in the media, and 2) evaluations of journalistic discourse in relation to themes, sources, images and headlines. A mixed approach was used through content analysis and a focus group (FG) in which journalists participated. Among the most relevant results, the predominance of content that violates rights in two of the three media stands out in the indicators overrepresentation of reality and manipulation, although in the indicators ridicule and misuse of language there is no prevalence, there is a significant frequency of content who use language inappropriately and discriminate against individuals or groups. In addition, the differences in the organizational dynamics of the media affect journalistic routines and need to promote permanent training mechanisms on human rights.

Theories on political socialization are being reexamined as researchers are becoming skeptical of their explanatory power. Previous studies often characterized adolescence and young adults as passive objects for socialization, failing to grasp that the political views of adolescence and young adults are constantly changing, and often take a non-institutional form. Some researchers are trying a different approach where mechanisms and processes are put in a central role in determining how adolescents and young adults develop their civic engagement. The objective is to understand how civic engagement changes over time and what role the media and peers play in this socialization process. The studies will last for seven years and consists of longitudinal, experimental and follow-up studies. The results will be checked against individual, biological, sociological and cognitive factors, and gender. L. Pitkaniemi

English language textbooks are widely used as one of the essential resources in education. In Ecuador, local authorities created specific course books for state schools and high schools called pedagogical modules. Hence, the terms pedagogical textbook, course book, and modules will be used interchangeably. This study aims to explore perceptions of Ecuadorian English as a Foreign Language teachers on implementing the pedagogical modules to state schools, which were provided by the Ministry of Education. Besides, participants will provide perceptions on the connection of the mentioned textbooks with the Ecuadorian National Curriculum. The study includes an exploratory qualitative design using a focus group interview with eight EFL teachers from primary and secondary schools. The focus group interview findings indicated that teachers have both positive and negative perceptions towards using these pedagogical textbooks. Teachers agree that these pedagogical modules promote English learning success in a contextualized and authentic way by connecting aspects from the curriculum and current ELT principles. Nonetheless, all of the teachers indicated that integrating the pedagogical modules to state schools was, in many ways, disorganized. Based on the results, this study suggests constructive changes to specialists in charge of creating and editing EFL pedagogical modules.

The professional communicators inside the Swedish Government Office are today 140 (compared to a single one 40 years ago & just twenty 15 years ago), giving support to the idea that the media now has a major impact on everyday business inside the Government. This article shows that this partly true, as the media mainly have an effect on the politicians, the partisan ministerial staff & the communicators. But the relationship between the Government Offices & the media could also be turned around. The Government have resources for external communication no lesser than an international news agency's, & does oil a daily basis deliver an impressive amount of press releases & conferences -- and information leaks -- that the media has to handle. This article examines & analyses how the Swedish Government Offices, through new posts, units & strategies, has institutionalized & centralized its' media contacts during the last 40 years, as well as the reasons & the internal consequences of this development. Adapted from the source document.

The new technological advances have brought a revolution on how economic agents interact with society and markets. Nowadays, the use of virtual currencies is more frequent in the financial transactions and bitcoin has been defined as the most important world cryptocurrency due to its high market capitalization and its technological infrastructure. Several studies have been conducted to discuss bitcoin advantages and disadvantages; however, few papers in literature have examined its connection and influence on the stock market. The objective of this paper is precisely cover this gap. Firstly, by providing tools and concepts to understand bitcoin's dynamic, and then determining its relationship with stock market indexes. In that context, this manuscript examines the definition and function of bitcoin in the global world and its presence in Ecuador. Besides, exploratory and visual analyses are provided using the evolution of bitcoin and other market indexes. Finally, a linear correlation is computed between bitcoin, other cryptocurrencies, stock exchange indexes and commodities. The results in this study, employing visual and statistical analyses, demonstrated that bitcoin has: a strong relationship with other cryptocurrencies; a lineal correlation, not as strong as the previous one, with the main stock market indexes; and no linear correlation with commodities.

By affecting conceptualizations of crime, media depictions of crime play a crucial part in the way criminal policy is shaped. An analysis of Swedish newspaper articles suggest that crime today is depicted in a more exclusionary way than a few decades ago. This is particularly true for the culprit, whose actions are accounted for in an individualized way. Crime victims are described in a manner that invites identification. During the 1980s, media depictions change from structural accounts of the crime to individualized accounts of the culprit and the criminal deed, often in terms of the psychology of the culprit However, it is not until around 1990 that the media depiction of the crime victim change, with fairly neutral descriptions being replaced by more detailed and personal images. In contemporary media stories, crime and criminality are seen as external threats to society. The culprit is depicted as an intruder, and often also as disordered or irrational. The victim, on the other hand, is depicted as a human being just as you and I, with a particular personality. The consumer of these media stories is primarily encouraged to identify with the victim and those close to him or her. Adapted from the source document.

During the last few decade., it has become increasingly common to characterize modern politics as mediated & mediatized. Problematic, though, is that both concepts are referred to more often than they are properly defined, & that there is a deficit in systematic empirical studies on the degree to which politics has become mediatized. Against this background, the purpose of this article is to analyze the concepts of "mediated" & "mediatized" politics, & to empirically investigate how Swedish members of parliament & political journalists perceive the media's political influence. The theoretical analysis suggests that the mediatization of politics should be understood as a multidimensional concept, whereas the empirical results show that both members of parliament & political journalists believe that the media do have extensive influence over politics as well as the general public. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines the relationship between media & the partisan ministerial staff of the Government Office. The main objective of the article is to make a contribution to the knowledge about & comprehension of how medialization has affected the work of the partisan ministerial staff. The article is empirically based on four focus groups, with respectively ministers, secretaries of state, political advisors & press secretaries working under the third Persson government (2002-2006). The article demonstrates that media management is an area that The Government Office was not originally adapted for. Therefore media & communication do not enter into the existing routines & formal decision-making processes of the organization. As a result, media challenge both the process behind the government's collective decision-making & the up-holding of the impression that the government decides collectively. Thus, there is a need for complementary routines for the contacts between the partisan staff & the civil servants. Adapted from the source document.

This article reports a study on the role of the media in democratic governance. Interestingly, this issue has not been given much attention by researchers, neither by media scholars with little interest in governance, nor by governance scholars with little knowledge about how the media works. Yet, as this study substantiates, the media is a key actor in governance. Theoretically, the paper aims at providing a cross-fertilization of perspectives on the role of the media in governance by drawing on governance research as well as on research on political communication & the public sphere. The empirical aim of the paper is to analyze how policy makers assess the importance of the media in governance. A key question addressed is the significance of fostering good media relations in order to be successful in governance in different policy areas. In addition, the paper analyzes the media strategies of policy makers' in terms of the intensity of the media contacts & of whether or not the policy makers themselves initiate the contacts. The study draws on a unique dataset, comprising questionnaire responses from the corporate, political, cultural & administrative elites (policymakers within the central government office) in Sweden. Adapted from the source document.

This article contains an overview of how the study of human rights issues has developed into a separate multidisciplinary field of academic study & education in Sweden. Its relationship to the different fields of political science is outlined, as well as general problems of a multidisciplinary subject. Three contributions to an edited volume containing Swedish & foreign scholarship on human rights issues drawn from the Swedish Forum for Human Rights, a biannual gathering of practitioners & scholars, are discussed. Those contributions deal with the tensions between universalist & relativist approaches to the character of human rights, the tensions between the development of international law & power relations in international politics, & tensions between group rights & individual rights. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.