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Focusing on Islamism in Egypt, this chapter argues that although the state can exercise the power of coercion, it has had to negotiate some of its power with religious groups and institutions, including al-Azhar, Salafists, and the now-banned Muslim Brotherhood. The chapter discusses the power dynamics among the various Islamic institutions and groups in Egypt, as well as the relationship between those actors and other religious minorities. The chapter concludes that the successive Egyptian governments have sought to tighten their grip on the religious sphere to curb the power of religious institutions while allowing them to substitute for the state's welfare programs.

International audience ; L'existence d'un « surréalisme égyptien » semble bien la preuve de la capacité du surréalisme de « correspondre aux aspirations profondes de l'esprit humain universel » 1. L'histoire officielle du surréalisme en Egypte commence au milieu des années trente, lorsque Georges Henein entame une correspondance et une série de rencontres avec son fondateur, André Breton. Avant les années cinquante, la rupture est consommée entre Georges Henein et André Breton, sans que l'accord de fond entre les deux hommes soit remis en cause. Le surréalisme égyptien aura donc eu une durée de vie assez brève. Pour autant, ce développement inattendu n'est pas négligeable, et son impact est d'autant plus important qu'il s'agit, et c'est un fait exceptionnel, d'un pays arabe. Pour la clarté de l'exposé, nous évoquerons tout d'abord la rencontre avec André Breton et la correspondance, soit la jonction initiale avec le groupe surréaliste à Paris ; ensuite, nous décrirons brièvement l'activité multiforme, artistique et politique, qui s'est développée en Egypte, avant de nous interroger sur les particularités d'un surréalisme égyptien.

International audience ; L'existence d'un « surréalisme égyptien » semble bien la preuve de la capacité du surréalisme de « correspondre aux aspirations profondes de l'esprit humain universel » 1. L'histoire officielle du surréalisme en Egypte commence au milieu des années trente, lorsque Georges Henein entame une correspondance et une série de rencontres avec son fondateur, André Breton. Avant les années cinquante, la rupture est consommée entre Georges Henein et André Breton, sans que l'accord de fond entre les deux hommes soit remis en cause. Le surréalisme égyptien aura donc eu une durée de vie assez brève. Pour autant, ce développement inattendu n'est pas négligeable, et son impact est d'autant plus important qu'il s'agit, et c'est un fait exceptionnel, d'un pays arabe. Pour la clarté de l'exposé, nous évoquerons tout d'abord la rencontre avec André Breton et la correspondance, soit la jonction initiale avec le groupe surréaliste à Paris ; ensuite, nous décrirons brièvement l'activité multiforme, artistique et politique, qui s'est développée en Egypte, avant de nous interroger sur les particularités d'un surréalisme égyptien.

This report provides a brief overview of the transition underway and information on U.S. foreign aid to Egypt. It also discusses about about U.S.-Egyptian Science, Business, and Technological Cooperation.

This report provides a brief overview of the transition underway and information on U.S. foreign aid to Egypt.

In many countries, those who dare to criticize their governments, speak on behalf of a suppressed minority, or call for political or economic reforms are often portrayed as "traitors" trying to disseminate hatred and hostility and disturb national stability. In such cases, states that are often "equipped" with tailor-made national laws, remaining on alert to punish those who are courageous enough to challenge their governments can easily harass those who dare to defy the state's policies, measures or even orientation. As noted by James D. Seymour in his article Indices of Political Imprisonment, imprisonment is one of the most widely-used tools to punish those who dare to challenge the state by exercising their right to freedom of expression. In Egypt, despite statements made by political leaders promising reforms, harassment and violations are key features of the Egyptian political discourse. President Mubarak has failed to keep his promises of 2004 to eliminate press offenses and journalists imprisonments. Today, Egypt is one of the only 13 remaining countries in the world where journalists are imprisoned, and one can still find 35 articles scattered in a number of pieces of legislation, that hold the potential for imprisonment of journalists. Consequently, jailing journalists in Egypt is a regularly-used mechanism to punish journalists who persistently criticize their government.

International audience ; This chapter examines the impact of changing urban planning policies in Egypt. It attempts to describe the threefold crisis that Egyptian cities experienced between 2011 and 2014, characterized by considerable political inertia, procrastination toward development projects and the territorialization of conflict. The chapter also focuses on the new forms of informal urbanization during this transition period. Encouraged by the drop in police checks and the boom in the informal economy in 2011, the strong growth of self-built neighborhoods in poor areas is a socio- demographic reality that the new authorities are struggling to understand. Drawing on interviews with a number of urban actors, the chapter shows that the emergence of new forums for debate on urban planning in Cairo and Alexandria in particular, the proliferation of urban activists in a civil society in transition, as well as efforts by institutions of higher education to adapt the provision of training in the field of architecture, are catalysts for new initiatives in a rapidly changing Egypt.

It is known from history that many dynasties lived and ruled not only in their own country but also in other countries. Such dynasties include the Tulunids, the Ikhshidis, and the Bahri Mamluks from the Turkic dynasties. These were the dynasties from Mawarannahr who ruled in Egypt. If we look at the history of these dynasties, we will see that they rose from slavery to the rank of Sultan due to their courage and skillful military leadership. They came to this land from Mawarannahr as slaves and subsequently came to power by their actions. The difference between these dynasties and other kings and sultans is that almost all the rulers inherited the throne from their fathers. Of the representatives of such a dynasty, Abu Abbas Ahmad ibn Tulun (835-884) was born in Bagdad. His father Tulun was introduced to Nuh ibn Asad al-Samani by workers from Bukhara. In 816, as-Samani presented Tulun to Caliph Mamun. Tulun served as head of security for twenty years. After his death, his son Ahmad ibn Tulun was brought up by a friend and focused on receiving religious and military education. The Abbasid caliph sent Ahmad ibn Tulun to Egypt as a governor, and later, thanks to his courage and intelligence, he founded an independent state in Egypt. The Tuluni dynasty (868–905) was one of the first to rule the caliphate, establishing independent local dynasties in Egypt and Syria. Historians have recognized this period as the "Golden Age" due to the construction work and reforms carried out by Tulunids. Egypt was again under the rule of the Abbasid caliphs for 30 years. The Ikhshids (935-969), the second Turkic dynasty of Ferghana origin separated Egypt from the Abbasid caliphs and turned it into an independent state. After the establishment of the Fatimids in 969, the Ikhshid dynasty in Egypt ceased to exist. When the Bahri Mamluks came to power in 1250, they ruled Egypt until 1382. During this period, many historical buildings were built, and the capital of the Abbasid Caliphate was moved to Cairo.

Wave of various forms of self-expression and protests spread through a number of Arab states in the first quarter of 2011. All of them involved less or more numerous political rallies. Everywhere protesters demanded political changes blaming the authorities for their poverty. Sentiments for reforms of "Nasser era" and deep economic changes of that very time clearly came back. However, blaming ruling teams of Arab states for stagnation and impoverishment seems to be exaggerated and unfair. Reasons for lack of visible improvement in economic status of Arabic population, which was the major cause of the protests, have the structural character and are the outcome of huge population growth rate in Arabic countries in the recent time. ; Piotr Kwiatkiewicz

The Meroitic Period, which lasted from the third century BCE to around the mid-fourth century CE, comprises the second of two phases of Kushite empire in the territory of what is today Sudan, the first phase comprising the Napatan era (c. 655 – 300 BCE). While Meroitic culture reflects both Napatan influence and that of periods of Egyptian colonization (during Egypt's New Kingdom, c. 1550 – 1070 BCE), it is characterized by the emergence of indigenous cultural elements. These include an indigenous script as well as ideological features such as concepts of kingship, burial customs, and the introduction of indigenous deities into the old Egypto-centric pantheon. Meroitic rulers were buried in cemeteries in the regions of (Gebel) Barkal and Meroe. The shift of burial grounds from the vicinity of Barkal to Meroe has led scholars to designate the period and culture as "Meroitic." There was, however, no cultural break with former times, but rather a continuation and development of prevailing cultural features with the addition of new elements. Special focus is laid on the border area between Ptolemaic and, later, Roman Egypt and the Meroitic Empire, in which both power structures had interests. The politics of both states in Lower Nubia—today territory held by Egypt and Sudan—were of varied intensity during the c. 650 years of the Meroitic Period. Documentation of Meroitic history is hindered by our as yet insufficient understanding of Meroitic texts and thus relies heavily on archaeological data and the factual remains of art and architecture. In general, our knowledge is uneven: some periods are well documented, while for others we have little to no information.

The Meroitic Period, which lasted from the third century BCE to around the mid-fourth century CE, comprises the second of two phases of Kushite empire in the territory of what is today Sudan, the first phase comprising the Napatan era (c. 655 – 300 BCE). While Meroitic culture reflects both Napatan influence and that of periods of Egyptian colonization (during Egypt's New Kingdom, c. 1550 – 1070 BCE), it is characterized by the emergence of indigenous cultural elements. These include an indigenous script as well as ideological features such as concepts of kingship, burial customs, and the introduction of indigenous deities into the old Egypto-centric pantheon. Meroitic rulers were buried in cemeteries in the regions of (Gebel) Barkal and Meroe. The shift of burial grounds from the vicinity of Barkal to Meroe has led scholars to designate the period and culture as "Meroitic." There was, however, no cultural break with former times, but rather a continuation and development of prevailing cultural features with the addition of new elements. Special focus is laid on the border area between Ptolemaic and, later, Roman Egypt and the Meroitic Empire, in which both power structures had interests. The politics of both states in Lower Nubia—today territory held by Egypt and Sudan—were of varied intensity during the c. 650 years of the Meroitic Period. Documentation of Meroitic history is hindered by our as yet insufficient understanding of Meroitic texts and thus relies heavily on archaeological data and the factual remains of art and architecture. In general, our knowledge is uneven: some periods are well documented, while for others we have little to no information.

Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM) ; Egypt's capital Cairo hosts one of the five largest urban refugee populations in the world. For this reason, our paper concentrates on the legal aspect of irregular migration, discussing the characteristics of these migrants as asylum seekers and refugees while also examining transit migrants. First, the paper tackles associated concepts and data issues, with reference to the existing literature and international standards. In the second part, an overview of the Middle East and Northern Africa (MENA) situation is given as a prelude to the Egyptian experience. In the third part, the socio-economic profile of refugees and asylum seekers from Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Iraq is given with reference to their legal status, their rights and their living conditions measured in terms of income and sources of income, access to education, employment, health care and social services. The paper concludes by looking at the socio-economic situation in Egypt and policy recommendations concerning government practices, procedures, mechanisms, policies and laws. Gaps in research have also been highlighted so that these issues can be better addressed in the future.

L'histoire de l'Egypte remonte au 4e millénaire av. JC, avec l'unification politique de la Basse et la Haute Egypte sous le règne de Namer. La civilisation égyptienne connaitra son apogée et son expansion territoriale lors du Nouvel Empire (1550 – 1070 BC). L'Egypte tombera par la suite sous l'influence de la Perse achéménide (525-402 av. J.C et 443-332 av. J.C.) puis de la Grèce hellénistique à partir de 332 av. JC. L'indépendance de l'Egypte prend fin lorsque celle-ci est finalement annexée à Rome en 30 av. J.C. Elle passera par la suite au contrôle de l'Empire romain d'Orient en 395, puis sera conquise par les armées arabes à partir de 639. Cette année marque le passage du pays à la période arabo-musulmane. L'Egypte passera par la suite sous l'emprise de différents pouvoirs, notamment ceux des Califats des Rashidun (632-661), des Omeyades (661-750), des Abbassides (750-935), des Fatimides (909-1171),le Sultanat des Ayyubides(1171-1260) et le Sultanat des Mamelouk (1250-1517). Enfin, elle sera incorporée à l'Empire ottoman à partir du XVIe siècle.