Suchergebnisse

El islamismo político alcanza proyección mundial con la revolución contra el shah en Irán en 1979 en la que colaboran colectivos marxistas e islamistas. Aunque acto seguido, Jomeini destruyó la izquierda iraní, el islamismo se considera hasta hoy una ideología asociada a la izquierda por su discurso antiestadounidense. Se hace fuerte en los países al sur del Mediterráneo gracias al respaldo de regímenes autoritarios que fomentan su expansión como contrapeso a la oposición izquierdista, algo especialmente visible en Argelia. Durante la Primavera Árabe, que surge de planteamientos laicos, los islamistas se hacen con el protagonismo (Egipto, Siria) o forman alianzas (Marruecos). Sin embargo, una coalición entre demócratas e islamistas suele acabar con la destrucción de los primeros: el islamismo busca imponer normas divinas incuestionables, algo especialmente visible en el papel que se reserva a la mujer. Las fuerzas demócratas en la actual rebelión de Argelia deberán evitar esta alianza. ; Islamism as a political ideology reached world-wide prominence after the revolution against the Shah in Iran in 1979, where Marxist and Islamist groups joined forces. Although Khomeini destroyed the Left afterwards, Islamism is still considered as a leftist movement for its percieved opposition to the US. Islamist movements replaced Marxists in many Arab countries thanks to a strong support by autocratic regimes who fostered them in order to weaken the left-wing opposition, a phenomenon obvious in Algeria. During the Arab Spring, Islamists took over the secular uprisings (Egypt, Syria) or shaped an alliance (Morocco). Nevertheless, any coalition by democratic and Islamist forces usually leads to the destruction of the former by the latter: The goal of Islamists is to rule society by divine laws that cannot be questioned, especially when it comes to women's rights. Democratic forces in the uprising in Algeria today should avoid such an alliance.

Salmonella enterica serotype Kentucky (S. Kentucky) can be a common causative agent of salmonellosis, usually associated with consumption of contaminated poultry. Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) to multiple drugs, including ciprofloxacin, is an emerging problem within this serotype. We used whole-genome sequencing (WGS) to investigate the phylogenetic structure and AMR content of 121 S. Kentucky ST198 isolates from five continents. Population structure was inferred using phylogenomic analysis and whole genomes were compared to investigate changes in gene content, with a focus on acquired AMR genes. Our analysis showed that multidrug resistant (MDR) S. Kentucky isolates belonged to a single lineage, which we estimate emerged circa 1989 following the acquisition of the AMR-associated Salmonella genomic island 1 (variant SGI1-K) conferring resistance ampicillin, streptomycin, gentamicin, sulfamethoxazole, and tetracycline. Phylogeographic analysis indicates this clone emerged in Egypt before disseminating into Northern, Southern and Western Africa, then to the Middle East, Asia and the European Union. The MDR clone has since accumulated various substitution mutations in the quinolone resistance determining regions (QRDR) of DNA gyrase (gyrA) and DNA topoisomerase (parC), such that most strains carry three QRDR mutations which together confer resistance to ciprofloxacin. The majority of AMR genes in the S. Kentucky genomes were carried either on plasmids or SGI structures. Remarkably, each genome carried a different SGI1-K derivative structure; this variation could be attributed to IS26-mediated insertions and deletions, which appear to have hampered previous attempts to trace the clone's evolution using sub-WGS resolution approaches. Several different AMR plasmids were also identified, encoding resistance to chloramphenicol, third-generation cephalosporins, carbapenems, and/or azithromycin. These results indicate that most MDR S. Kentucky circulating globally result from the clonal expansion of a single lineage that acquired chromosomal AMR genes 30 years ago, and has continued to diversify and accumulate additional resistances to last-line oral antimicrobials.

The political economy is an important determinant of the successes and failures of public policies. This dissertation explores how the political economy has shaped socio-political outcomes. I use a comparative study, a study of a fiscal subsidies, and a case study of liberalization to elaborate this point. In the comparative study on Turkey and Tunisia, I observe that workforce skills have a measurable impact on productivity in Turkey, a country that abandoned import substitution industrialization at a relatively early stage. Whereas the post-colonial institutional setting of the economy and relatively later import substitution industrialization in Tunisia is not amenable to harnessing the skills of the workforce for productivity --- even if levels of education were historically higher than in Turkey. A case study on government intervention in the form of firm subsidies in Tunisia finds that governments can use firm subsidies to extend control over the private sector, while still reporting measurable and observable positive benefits to the economy. Lastly, a case study on liberalization demonstrated in Egypt that reforms to remove administrative and tariff barriers disproportionately helped firms in industries with no known government cronies and reduced tariff evasion. However, government cronies operating in the historically important natural resource sector still reaped benefits from liberalization reforms. ; Les succès et les échecs des politiques publiques sont, en large partie, sont influencés par le contexte politique et institutionnel des économies. Cette thèse analyse la manière dont les résultats socio-économiques des pays de la région MENA sont déterminées par l'environnement institutionnel et politique des différents pays. Trois essais sont proposés. Le premier étudie l'impact des qualifications sur la productivité à l'aide d'une comparaison entre deux pays, la Turquie et la Tunisie. Le second analyse l'impact des subventions sur les performances des firmes. Le troisième étudie l'effet de l'ouverture ...

Mudzakarati Fii Sijni Al Nisa's novel by Nawal El Sadawi tells the story of people's lives during Anwar Sadat's time in dominating Egypt. In the novel, Nawal as a writer tells of himself as the main character. The story of Nawal during her suffering was in prison without clear legal procedures. He was forcibly kidnapped from his home and taken to Barrages prison because of his honest writing about the situation during Anwar Sadat's reign. As a political prisoner, he is no more respected than a prisoner of murder, prostitutes, drugs, and so on to become an attraction in this explanation. The purpose of this study is to find out the resistance of the forming elements of hegemony and ideological formation in the novel and want to know how the ideological negotiations took place in the figures of Mudzakarati Fii novel Sijni Al-Nisa. The method used in this study is descriptive analytical method, the method is done by describing the facts first, then followed by analysis. This research is qualitative by using library data. The sampling technique used in this study was purposive sampling which is a deliberate sampling technique.ABSTRAKNovel Mudzakarati Fii Sijni Al Nisa karya Nawal El Sadawi mengkisahkan kehidupan masyarakat pada masa pemerintahan Anwar Sadat di Mesir. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui Resistensi elemen-elemen pembentuk hegemoni dan formasi ideologis dalam novel serta ingin mengetahui bagaimana negosiasi ideologis itu terjadi pada tokoh-tokoh novel Mudzakarati Fii Sijni Al-Nisa. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode deskriptif analitik. Metode tersebut dilakukan dengan cara mendeskripsikan fakta-fakta terlebih dahulu, kemudian disusul dengan analisis. Penelitian ini bersifat kualitatif dengan menggunakan data-data kepustakaan. Teknik pengambilan sampel yang digunakan pada penelitian ini adalah purposive sampling yaitu teknik pengambilan sampel secara sengaja. Dalam novel Mudzakarati Fii Sijni Al Nisa diceritakan bahwa terjadi negosiasi ideologi anatara Anwar Sadat atau ...

Rola M Farid,1 Sanaa Abd-Elmaged Sammour,1 Zeinab Abdelkader Shehab ElDin,1 Manal Ibrahim Salman,1 Tag Ibrahim Omran21Department of Pathology, Ain Shams University, Cairo, Egypt; 2Department of Pathology, Military Medical Academy, Cairo, EgyptIntroduction: Several lines of evidence suggest the contribution of cancer stem cells (CSCs) to the tumorigenicity of bladder cancer. Although CD133 and CD24 CSC biomarkers are associated with survival disadvantages in some cancers, the biological attributes of a specific tumor alters the expression of these markers and any associated phenotypic characteristics.Aim: To analyze CD133 and CD24 expression and their different phenotypes in urinary bladder carcinoma.Material and methods: Expression of CD133 and CD24 and their divergent phenotypes were analyzed in patients with urinary bladder carcinoma (n=60) and correlated with clinicopathological parameters.Results: CD133+, and CD24+, tumor cells were more frequent in high grade, less differentiated carcinomas (18/22, and 15/17, p=0.022 and 0.01, respectively), muscle invasive tumors (20/22, p=0.017 and 17/17, p=0.001, respectively), and tumors with advanced stage (p=0.001 and 0.007, respectively). The expression of CD24 slightly correlated with lymphovascular invasion (p=0.04), whereas CD133 was associated with distant metastasis. The CD133+, CD24+, phenotype exhibited more aggressive tumorigenic behavior than other phenotypes.Conclusion: CD133+, and CD24+, cells correlated with determinants of aggressive behavior and may be involved in tumor progression and distant metastasis. The CD133+, subpopulation is likely to have a more potent tumorigenic capacity. Although divergent, the strong correlation between the two populations may support phenotypic plasticity among them. Compared to the CD133+, CD24−, and CD133−, CD24+, phenotypes, the CD133+, CD24+, phenotype is the most aggressive. These putative biomarkers can potentially aid in the selection of high-risk patients for more aggressive targeted therapy.Keywords: CD133, CD24, bladder carcinoma, phenotypes

Este estudio exploratorio tiene el objetivo principal de posicionar la alfabetización periodística como un factor mediador hacia el fomento del compromiso político, al investigar su papel en la mejora de la experiencia de noticias en línea de los jóvenes, preparándolos contra contenido perjudicial. La alfabetización periodística se define como un constructo multi-estructural con tres constituyentes principales; Motivación, conocimientos y habilidades. El estudio se aplica a una muestra de jóvenes de Egipto y una muestra de jóvenes de España, en base a la cual se realiza un análisis comparativo. El objetivo principal del estudio se logra profundizando en la experiencia de noticias en línea para jóvenes, evaluando su nivel de alfabetización de noticias e inferiendo implicaciones para el compromiso político. En ese sentido, la noción de contenido dañino surge con un enfoque en noticias falsas y discursos de odio como dos tipos principales de contenido engañoso encontrado en Internet en general y en las redes sociales en particular. Esta cuestión ayuda a explorar si los ciudadanos son "responsables" cuando se trata de su comportamiento de noticias en línea. En consecuencia, se comprueban las correlaciones entre la alfabetización de las noticias y otras variables. Los hallazgos revelan una correlación positiva entre la alfabetización de las noticias y: la capacidad de identificar noticias falsas, la capacidad de identificar el discurso del odio, el compromiso con las noticias, preocuparse por la veracidad del contenido antes de compartir, la motivación para buscar noticias y el compromiso político ; This exploratory study has the main goal of positioning news literacy as a mediating factor toward fostering political engagement, by investigating its role in enhancing youth's online news experience preparing them against harmful content. News literacy is defined as a multi-structural construct with three main constituents; motivation, knowledge and skills. The study is applied on a sample of young people from Egypt and ...

International audience Based on a comparative study in five countries (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt and Turkey) since the 1970s, this article studies the methods of designation of Islamist parties. While these are perceived as the representatives of religious conservatism, their names draw on lexical repertoires that are related to two forms of reformism, the Islamism of Nahda and nationalist developmentalism. Their names set out the quest for a development model whose authenticity would rely on a dual desire to implement Islamic norms at the national level and to respond to the demands of local populations. The article shows, however, how, in the absence of such an authentic model, four words from the reformist lexical repertoire (justice, development, freedom and renaissance) are used as "correcting principles". We thus contribute to explaining how the pragmatism of political Islam is practiced according to a three-prong logic, legalism, electoral affirmation and political distinction. ; Cet article interroge les modalités de nomination des partis islamistes autorisés à participer aux élections dans cinq pays (Maroc, Algérie, Tunisie, Égypte et Turquie). Tandis que ceux-ci sont perçus comme les représentants d'un conservatisme religieux, leurs noms puisent dans des répertoires lexicaux forgés par deux formes de réformisme, l'islamisme de la Nahda et le développementalisme nationaliste. Ces noms énoncent la quête d'un modèle de développement dont l'authenticité s'appuierait sur une double volonté de concrétiser des normes islamiques à l'échelle nationale et de répondre aux revendications des populations locales. L'article montre néanmoins comment, en l'absence d'un tel modèle authentique, quatre mots issus du répertoire lexical réformiste (justice, développement, liberté et renaissance) sont employés comme des « principes correcteurs ». Il contribue ainsi à expliquer comment le pragmatisme de l'islam politique se pratique selon un triptyque de logiques légaliste, d'affirmation électorale et de distinction ...

MENA population is one of the youngest in the world (50% of the population is under 30). In addition, it hasthe highest youth unemployment rate and the second higher informal employment rate despite a large number ofgraduates. This situation has kept the economies to enjoy the demographic dividend and led to social uprisings andchange of political regime since 2011 in many countries (Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, Morocco).Thus reforms of social protection systems have been set up : creation of National Health Insurance Fund, reform ofsocial security, extending social security to informal workers, new active labor market policies.In this dissertation, we study Tunisia and Jordan case by analyzing the reforms, which population are targeted, inwhat extent it reaches or not its goal and evaluate its effectiveness. ; La région Moyen-Orient Afrique du Nord est caractérisée par l'une des populations les plus jeunes au monde (50% des individus ont moins de 30 ans), le taux de chômage des jeunes le plus élevé et le deuxième taux d'emploi informel le plus élevé au monde malgré un nombre élevé de diplômés de l'enseignement supérieur. Empêchant les économies de la région de profiter du dividende économique, cette situation a conduit aux révoltes sociales et aux changements de régimes dans de nombreux pays (Tunisie, Égypte, Algérie, Maroc) depuis 2011. Des réformes des systèmes de protection sociale ont ainsi été mises en place : création de la Caisse Nationale d'Assurance Maladie, réforme de la sécurité sociale, extension de la protection sociale aux travailleurs informels, évolution des politiques actives de l'emploi. Dans cette thèse, on étudiera précisément les cas de la Tunisie et de la Jordanie en analysant les dispositifs créés, les populations qui y ont accès en théorie et dans la réalité, dans quelle mesure ces réformes parviennent ou non à atteindre leurs objectifs et une évaluation d'impact.

This volume offers a full-color facsimile of a richly illustrated album at Harvard Fine Arts Library that preserves twenty-five hand-painted engravings and lithographs from Ottoman Smyrna dating to the 1830s. The collection captures a multifaceted view of Smyrna's cultural landscape and the wider Eastern Mediterranean with views depicting the city's famous port, local setting, and socio-religious groups. At the same time, the album touches on heavily debated issues of the day, including Ottoman sartorial reform, as well as social upheavals in Egypt, Greece, and Algeria, whose leaders enjoyed considerable coverage in the press across languages. Originally purchased by Thomas Walley Langdon, a member of a prominent American merchant family in Smyrna, the album also offers a distinctive window into the personal and political leanings of its owner. The selection in this album mixes established modes of stock imagery from earlier costume books and paintings, with captivating scenes Langdon encountered during his residence. With this in mind, the album's featured portraits of revolutionary leaders open the question of whether their inclusion stemmed from Langdon's patriotic sympathies or his considerable trade stakes in the region. In either case, the album and its assortment of prints allowed the owner to fuse contemporary journalistic concerns with the continued tradition of travel literature in the Ottoman Empire. The Levantine printers behind this album, Eugenio and Raffaele Fulgenzi, once sold these plates among other print works from their family shop on the renowned Frank Street in Smyrna. The Fulgenzi print shop became funnel through which numerous forms of media were adapted and transformed for popular consumption. Resulting works like this album make a vivid case through which scholars can consider the process of image transmission throughout the Mediterranean and how the technologies of print facilitated the circulation of artwork. Together, the captions and illustrations reflect Smyrna's active engagement ...

Purpose: This study is part of the international project EATMOT, designed to investigate several issues related to food choice and consumption patterns in different countries, including health related factors; economic and availability aspects; emotional determinants; social, cultural and religious influences; marketing and advertising campaigns and finally environmental concerns. Methodology: The present study was based on a questionnaire that was exclusively prepared for the project, and which was applied to collect data in different countries, in particular Croatia, Egypt, Italy, Greece and Portugal, which are typically associated with the Mediterranean diet. Findings: The results obtained allowed, in general, to conclude that in all 5 countries the motivations related to health as well as environment & politics were the more relevant to determine people's eating habits (scores varying from 0.3 to 0.7). Women were more influenced by eating motivations than men, and people with moderate exercise were more susceptible to health and environmental motivations and less to emotional, social or marketing motivations (p <0.001 in all cases). It was also observed that people who adopted a special diet were more prone to eating motivations and that the emotional motivations were more pronounced in people with eating disorders (p <0.001). Finally, people without chronic diseases or allergies were even more influenced by health motivations than those who actually suffered from these health problems (p <0.001 in both cases). Originality/Value: This work is important due to the multinational coverage, thus allowing to evaluate the most relevant factors that influenced the food choices of the populations around the Mediterranean Sea, sharing the common link to the Mediterranean Diet. The study allowed concluding that, in general, the food choices were primarily determined by health factors, and also by concerns related to the environment and sustainability as well as by political influences. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Salmonella enterica serotype Kentucky (S. Kentucky) can be a common causative agent of salmonellosis, usually associated with consumption of contaminated poultry. Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) to multiple drugs, including ciprofloxacin, is an emerging problem within this serotype. We used whole-genome sequencing (WGS) to investigate the phylogenetic structure and AMR content of 121 S. Kentucky ST198 isolates from five continents. Population structure was inferred using phylogenomic analysis and whole genomes were compared to investigate changes in gene content, with a focus on acquired AMR genes. Our analysis showed that multidrug resistant (MDR) S. Kentucky isolates belonged to a single lineage, which we estimate emerged circa 1989 following the acquisition of the AMR-associated Salmonella genomic island 1 (variant SGI1-K) conferring resistance ampicillin, streptomycin, gentamicin, sulfamethoxazole, and tetracycline. Phylogeographic analysis indicates this clone emerged in Egypt before disseminating into Northern, Southern and Western Africa, then to the Middle East, Asia and the European Union. The MDR clone has since accumulated various substitution mutations in the quinolone resistance determining regions (QRDR) of DNA gyrase (gyrA) and DNA topoisomerase (parC), such that most strains carry three QRDR mutations which together confer resistance to ciprofloxacin. The majority of AMR genes in the S. Kentucky genomes were carried either on plasmids or SGI structures. Remarkably, each genome carried a different SGI1-K derivative structure; this variation could be attributed to IS26-mediated insertions and deletions, which appear to have hampered previous attempts to trace the clone's evolution using sub-WGS resolution approaches. Several different AMR plasmids were also identified, encoding resistance to chloramphenicol, third-generation cephalosporins, carbapenems, and/or azithromycin. These results indicate that most MDR S. Kentucky circulating globally result from the clonal expansion of a single lineage that acquired chromosomal AMR genes 30 years ago, and has continued to diversify and accumulate additional resistances to last-line oral antimicrobials.

Berbers marginalized by history The Berbers belong to a group of "nations without state." They are divided into a number of factions characterized by their own specificity (dialect and way of life), scattered endemically in Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt (including Tuareg, in Mali, Niger and Mataranka). They all maintain a certain distance to state authorities (especially in Morocco and Algeria), where they are a significant minority, dominated by Arabic-speaking elites.The total number of Berbers is difficult to ascertain because of the ambiguity of the term "Berber" (which results from different degrees of arabization of Berbers). For centuries they have been Islamic, living in the shadow of the Arab population. Little is known about the significant contribution of Berbers to the development of ancient cultures of the Mediterranean and the first centuries of Christianity. Despite their linguistic and cultural Arabization (Islamization), they have maintained their distinctiveness. Manipulated by colonial France within the framework of the so-called "Berber policy," they were entangled in conflicts with their Arab counterparts in Algeria and Morocco. Berberzy na marginesie historiiBerberzy należą do "narodów bez państwa". Dzielą się na szereg odłamów odznaczających się własną specyfiką (dialektem i sposobem życia), rozrzuconych endemicznie na terenach Algierii, Maroka, Tunezji, Libii i Egiptu (a włączając w to Tuaregów, także Mali, Nigru i Mauretanii). Łączy ich utrzymywanie pewnego dystansu do władz państwowych (zwłaszcza Maroka i Algierii), gdzie stanowią znaczącą mniejszość, zdominowanych przez arabskojęzyczne elity.Ogólna liczba Berberów jest trudna do ustalenia z powodu niejednoznaczności samego terminu "Berber" (co wynika z różnego stopnia zarabizowania Berberów). Od stuleci zislamizowani, żyją w cieniu ludności arabskiej. Mało znany, a warty ukazania, jest wkład Berberów w rozwój kultur antycznych basenu Morza Śródziemnego oraz pierwszych wieków chrześcijaństwa.Pomimo trwającej stulecia arabizacji językowej i kulturowej (islamizacji) zachowali oni świadomość odrębności. Manipulowani przez kolonialną Francję w ramach tzw. polityki berberyjskiej, zostali oni uwikłani w konflikt ze swymi arabskimi współrodakami w Algierii i Maroku.

The Ilkhanate included large territories in the Near and the Middle East, where a process of mutual influence of many peoples, tribes and cultures took place. When the Hulagu khan Ahmed Tekuder (1282-1284) converted to Islam, the Muslims of Azerbaijan, who constituted the absolute majority of the country's population, welcomed this move. After the assassination of Ahmed Tekuder, Arghun (1284-1291), Gaykhatu (1291-1295) and Baydu (1295) took the Hulagu throne by turn. This period went down in history as a time of violent internal conflict in the House of Hulagu, freedom of action for representatives of all religions, except Islam, persecution of Muslims, religious, financial and economic, administrative experiments of Hulagu khans. In 1295, Ghazan Khan took the Hulagu throne. He radically changed the attitude of official authority towards Islam. Even before his accession to the throne (June 16, 1295), Ghazan-khan converted to Islam and then was called by the Muslim name Mahmud. The conversion to Islam by Ghazan Khan ensured the prevailing position of the Ilkhanate in the system of international relations of the Near and Middle East. For manageable, strong, stable socio-economic and political life of a huge empire, the optimal choice of unifying state ideology was extremely important. Ghazan Khan successfully completed the way started by Ahmed Tekuder. Since the reign of Ghazan Khan (Mahmud), the Ilkhanate began to claim leadership in the Muslim world. The problem of the "legitimacy" of the Ilkhanate also found its solution. The Ilkhanate bordered the largest states of that time: with the state of nomadic Mongols, governed by the descendants of Juchi Khan, the eldest son of Genghis Khan (known in Russian historiography as the Golden Horde); with the state of the Mamluks sultans of Egypt; with the Mongolian nomadic tribes in Central Asia, descendants of Chaghatai - the son of Genghis Khan.

In the first parliamentary elections after Mr. Mubarak's overthrow in February 2011, the Muslim Brotherhood's newly formed Freedom and Justice Party had won nearly half the seats in the People's Assembly. The Muslim Brotherhood, had, over the two previous years, gained political expansion in parliament. The Brotherhood entered into a coalition with other Islamist parties including two Salafist parties, forming an Islamist bloc, but their experience ended with their removal from power and significant changes in the structure of the Brotherhood.
Based on the political programs of the Islamist parties in Egypt, this article seeks to analyze the experience of Islamists in power by focusing on their practical perceptions of the Islamist political system.
The article concludes that the political Islamist organizations lacked a coherent mechanism to propel them from the stage of the organization's (political party) management to a stage of state administration. Egyptian Islamist groups had no specific perception of the nature of the state, or of an applied model to implement the "Islamic state." Although these groups had a declared project, which they had been attempting to establish for decades, their focus was solely on discussing the expected outcome they had hoped to achieve, while neglecting to elaborate on how their affairs could be run, once in power. This shortfall was due to an accumulation of the multiple problems the groups had faced, whether they be conceptual reasons of state, power issues, or the organizational obstacles strewn along the paths of the components that comprised the group, which had prevented them, over decades, from overcoming them. Hence, the traditional mechanisms they continued to apply while in power proved inadequate in responding to the crises inherent in the experience of government. They failed to introduce new mechanisms to address the issues as dictated by the necessity for practical experience and solutions once they had attained power.

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: The international discussion of Trump's dispute over import tariffs for steel, aluminum and even cars is so far focused on the big global players. However, African countries suffer in particular from the planned punitive tariffs, similar to the famous African proverb: 'When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers'. After years of talk on partnership for economic development (AGOA, Cotonou Agreement, EPAs, etc.) Trump's tariffs mean a severe blow to participatory foreign trade and sustainable industrialization in Africa. Egypt and South Africa for example, the potentially most affected African countries, face massive job losses and earning opportunities, with all the consequences that this entails for their already fragile economy and the population in dire poverty. Trump's intervention thus joins the continued power politics of former colonial powers vis à vis Africa. Nevertheless, despite these asymmetric power relations, unfair trade relations and the desolate state of African infant industries are not necessarily due to externalities. More often than not they are home-made. African agency plays an ambiguous role in enhancing participatory trade and indigenous industrialization. --- RÉSUMÉ: [L'impact des tarifs de Trump sur l'Afrique et le rôle ambigu de l'Agence africaine] La discussion internationale sur le différend de Trump au sujet des tarifs d'importation pour l'acier, l'aluminium, et même les voitures est jusqu'ici concentrée sur les grands acteurs mondiaux. Cependant, les pays africains souffrent aussi des tarifs punitifs prévus, semblables au fameux proverbe africain, 'Quand les éléphants se battent, c'est l'herbe qui souffre'. Après des années de discussions sur le partenariat pour le développement économique (AGOA, Accord de Cotonou, APE, etc.), les tarifs de Trump signifient un coup dur pour le commerce extérieur participatif et l'industrialisation durable en Afrique. L'Egypte et l'Afrique du Sud par exemple, les pays africains potentiellement les ...