Suchergebnisse

Izbori su za politologiju nadasve relevantna tema. Po autorovom mišljenju, tek slobodni demokratski izbori omogućuju politologiju kao znanost. U nedemokratskim porecima politologija nema nikakve perspektive jer jednostavno nema predmeta istraživanja. Definirajući najprije osnovne pojmove izbora, izbornih sustava, birača i biračkog prava autor objašnjava proporcionalni i većinski izborni sustav, njihove prednosti i mane, ilustrirajući ih na evropskim izbornim iskustvima. Na kraju autor upozorava na suvremenu krizu parlamentarizma čije ishodište je tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva. Po autorovom mišljenju, tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva i države nastoji izbjeći demokratskoj kontroli i iako je ona zajamčena ustavom. Autor smatra da izbori u Hrvatskoj potvrđuju tezu o tehnokratizaciji društva i kao da navješćuju mogućnost buduće jasne podjele na elitu i masu kao i mogućnost latentnog ili otvorenog tehnokratskog totalitarizma. ; Elections are an extremely relevant theme to politology. According to the author, only free democrat ic elect ions render politology feasible as a science. In undemocratic orders politology has no perspective because it is deprived of its subject of research. Defining first the following basic concepts - elect ions, elect ion systems, voters and voters' rights, the author describes the election systems based on the principles of proportion and majority rule, their advantages and disadvantages, illustrating them with examples from the European experience in elections. Finally, the author calls attention to the contemporary crisis of parliamentarism whose origins are in the technocratic organization of contemporary society. According to the author, the technocratic organization of contemporary society and state tends to avoid democratic control although it is guaranteed by the constitution. The author believes that the elections in Croatia confirm the thesis of the technocratization of society and seem to announce the possibility of a clear-cut distribution into elites and masses in the future, as well as the possibility of a latent or open technocratic totalitarism.

There are varied institutional forms (formal and informal) in which electoral (political) subjects take part in elections. Elections for assemblies show that the actions of such subjects are differently motivated, and also that their approach during conflict or cooperation in the realization of their wishes is different. Thus conflict situations, »election scandals«, occur sporadically. Such conflicts are an expression and a result of contradictory desires and actions of the participants. The significance and effect of an electoral conflict is conditioned and determined by the (political) significance of the elections themselves, not only in the sense that they are formally one of the basic constitutive elements of the political system, but first and foremost because they are the form in which citizens are active in politics. Following the procedure in election the author has tried to reveal the basic actors in electoral conflicts, the content of their conflict and the form it takes. In the author's opinion it is wrong to pass an a priori judgement of the character and value of electoral »cases« (negative judgements have usually been passed), the foundation of the conflict and the character and orientation of the persons involved, who do not seek for affirmation of their political value in the strength of arguments and objective achievement. We can understand and solve the ambivalent character of such conflicts, and the political behavior of their participants, only after studying the case. There will be a smaller number of »cases« and electoral conflicts, and they will be less complicated, the more consistently we free ourselves from varied formal-legal and political restraints, and the more society takes on the characteristics of self-managing and democratic socialism. Conflicts of this type are not the result of democracy. They are the result of its insufficient development or presence, thus making it subject to misunderstanding, searching and abuse.

U radu se traži odgovor na pitanje kad je izborna kampanja dobra u etičkom smislu i kad je dobra u smislu uspješnosti rezultata koje je ostvarila. Istražuju se mogući kriteriji prosudbe te nalazi da izborna kampanja može biti dobra u etičkom smislu ako se vodi načelom istine i nastoji potaknuti dobar odaziv birača na izbore te da može biti dobra u smislu uspješnosti ako uz umjerene troškove donese rast rejtinga u anketama i veći broj glasova nego na prijašnjim izborima. Primijenivši navedene kriterije na kampanje političkih stranaka u hrvatskim izborima za Europski parlament 2019. spoznaje se da kampanja većine stranaka u etičkom smislu nije bila dobra, a u smislu uspješnosti ističu se samo dvije i to uoči izbora nastale stranke. ; The paper seeks to answer the question: when is an election campaign a good campaign in terms of campaign ethics, and when is it good in terms of achieving successful results? Some possible evaluation criteria are explored. It was found that an election campaign can be ethical if guided by the principle of truth, and if it seeks to encourage a good voter turnout. Furthermore, it can be good in terms of successfulness if it raises poll ratings and receives more votes at a moderate cost in comparison to previous elections. In applying the above criteria to the campaigns of political parties in the Croatian elections for the European Parliament in 2019, we have seen that the campaign of most parties was not good from an ethical standpoint; furthermore, in terms of successfulness, only two parties stood out, and these were founded before the election. With a few exceptions, most parties in Croatia either did not want or simply did not have the knowledge and ability to organize an election campaign that would motivate and guide undecided voters. In this sense, the campaign did not demonstrate an overall benefit for society. At the same time, only a few parties succeeded in creating a campaign which produced a better result than in previous elections or better ratings in pre–election polls. In this sense, we can say that the campaigns of most parties did not affect voters' preferences, as they seemed to have been established before the campaign began. The parties that achieved the best cost–to–vote ratio were those that made the most effective use of the Internet or that made personal contact with the voters.

The paper seeks to answer the question: when is an election campaign a good campaign in terms of campaign ethics, and when is it good in terms of achieving successful results? Some possible evaluation criteria are explored. It was found that an election campaign can be ethical if guided by the principle of truth, and if it seeks to encourage a good voter turnout. Furthermore, it can be good in terms of successfulness if it raises poll ratings and receives more votes at a moderate cost in comparison to previous elections. In applying the above criteria to the campaigns of political parties in the Croatian elections for the European Parliament in 2019, we have seen that the campaign of most parties was not good from an ethical standpoint; furthermore, in terms of successfulness, only two parties stood out, and these were founded before the election. With a few exceptions, most parties in Croatia either did not want or simply did not have the knowledge and ability to organize an election campaign that would motivate and guide undecided voters. In this sense, the campaign did not demonstrate an overall benefit for society. At the same time, only a few parties succeeded in creating a campaign which produced a better result than in previous elections or better ratings in pre–election polls. In this sense, we can say that the campaigns of most parties did not affect voters' preferences, as they seemed to have been established before the campaign began. The parties that achieved the best cost–to–vote ratio were those that made the most effective use of the Internet or that made personal contact with the voters. ; U radu se traži odgovor na pitanje kad je izborna kampanja dobra u etičkom smislu i kad je dobra u smislu uspješnosti rezultata koje je ostvarila. Istražuju se mogući kriteriji prosudbe te nalazi da izborna kampanja može biti dobra u etičkom smislu ako se vodi načelom istine i nastoji potaknuti dobar odaziv birača na izbore te da može biti dobra u smislu uspješnosti ako uz umjerene troškove donese rast rejtinga u anketama i veći broj glasova nego na prijašnjim izborima. Primijenivši navedene kriterije na kampanje političkih stranaka u hrvatskim izborima za Europski parlament 2019. spoznaje se da kampanja većine stranaka u etičkom smislu nije bila dobra, a u smislu uspješnosti ističu se samo dvije i to uoči izbora nastale stranke.

Predmet ovog priloga je kraća empirijska analiza nekih sociološko-politikoloških značajki izbora u Bosni i Hercegovini, provedenih u novembru 1990. godine. U njegovom središtu je tzv. izborna geografija i posebno uvid u rezultate provedenih izbora, pomoću analize individualnih podataka. ; The paper gives a short empirical analysis of several sociological and political features of the Bosnia and Herzegovina elections held in November 1990. The main topic is the so-called »elections geography«, especially the interpretation of the results of the past elections, by means of the individual particularity analysis. Considering the elections to have been general, equal for all, direct and secret, we may say with certainty that these elections were the first free pluralistic elections in Bosnia and Hercegovina. Also, if we add that they were held in peace, similarly to those held in countries with a long parliamentary tradition, we may well conclude that they represent a historical step toward democracy. What makes them even more significant are the circumstances in which they were held The elections consisted of three levels. Organized at the same time were the presidential, parliamentary and local (community) elections by using a very complicated procedure — the mixed election model (a combination of the proportional model and the absolute and relative majority model). More than 2 300 000 voters had the opportunity to choose among a few thousand candidates supported by 15 political parties. They (voters) have chosen seven members of the Presidency, 240 members of Parliament in the two parliamentary houses and about 5000 representatives in 110 community parliaments. The winners were the three national parties (Party of Democratic Action, Serbian Democratic Party, Croatian Democratic Union). They won 84% of the representative mandates of Parliament. Even so, the question arises whether these elections were really democratic ones? The reason for this question lies in the apparent domination of »election irrationality« and in numerous deviations from long ago fixed election »rules« in the field of election sociology. Minor or almost no influence of programs and candidates on the political determination of voters is the best example for that The national and religious factors had absolute priority. Whether this will have decisive influence on the possible instability of the new government remains to be seen.

Cheng Ying-shuet. ; Thesis submitted in: November 2003. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [199]-[201]). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.1 ; Acknowledgement --- p.ii ; Note for Transliteration --- p.ii ; Chapter Chapter 1 - --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Background of the Research --- p.1 ; Review of Literature --- p.11 ; Purposes of the Research --- p.18 ; The Field Sites --- p.23 ; Methodology --- p.26 ; Figures 1.1-110 --- p.34 ; Chapter Chapter 2 - --- The Lease of the New Territories --- p.42 ; The Establishment of the Heung Yee Kuk --- p.44 ; Map 21 --- p.50 ; Figures 21 --- p.51 ; Chapter Chapter 3 - --- Backgrounds of Po Toi 0 and Ping Shan --- p.52 ; Po Toi O Village in Sai Kung --- p.53 ; Chapter (A) --- Social Setting --- p.53 ; Chapter (B) --- Political Setting --- p.58 ; Ping Shan in Yuen Long --- p.64 ; Chapter (A) --- Social Setting --- p.65 ; Chapter (B) --- Political Setting --- p.67 ; Figures 3.1 -36 --- p.81 ; Map 31 --- p.86 ; Chapter Chapter 4 - --- The Composition of Villages and Its Members --- p.87 ; The Situation in Po Toi O Village in Sai Kung --- p.89 ; Chapter (A) --- Marriage Between Indigenous and Non-indigenous Villagers --- p.92 ; Chapter (B) --- Economic Benefits Tying Up Villagers --- p.98 ; Chapter (C) --- Cultural Activities Banging Villagers Together --- p.106 ; The Situation of Ping Shan in Yuen Long --- p.114 ; Chapter (A) --- "Indigenous Identity Separating ""Insiders"" and ""Outsiders""" --- p.115 ; Chapter (B) --- Solidarity in Ancestor Worship --- p.122 ; Po Toi O and Ping Shan As Communities without Visible Boundary --- p.127 ; Chapter Chapter 5 - --- "The Interpretations of ""Traditional Rights´ح" --- p.131 ; Rural Affairs in the New Territories --- p.132 ; Chapter (A) --- Rural Committees and Village Representative System --- p.134 ; The Contradicting Roles of Village Representatives --- p.143 ; Chapter (A) --- The Conflicts in Po Toi O Village of Sai Kung --- p.144 ; Chapter (B) ...

by Lee Lap-fung, Francis. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 187-197). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; questionnaire in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- The background of the 1998 election --- p.10 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Approaches to election and media effects studies --- p.20 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Activating informed participation - a conceptual model for empirical evaluation --- p.33 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Design and methods --- p.47 ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- "News consumption, knowledge and sophistication" --- p.51 ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Media and political attitudes --- p.65 ; Chapter Chapter 8 --- Voter turnout --- p.100 ; Chapter Chapter 9 --- The pitfalls of media strategic coverage: How media fall short from activating informed participation --- p.120 ; Chapter Chapter 10 --- Conclusion: Mass media and political participation in Hong Kong --- p.147 ; Appendix A Variable constructions and statistical procedures --- p.159 ; Appendix B Questionnaires and basic information about the data --- p.165 ; "Appendix C Electoral system,vote calculating method, and candidate lists" --- p.180 ; Reference --- p.187

So Ming Hang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 218-227). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgements --- p.v ; Content --- p.vii ; List of Table and figures --- p.xi ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: the dilemma of RTHK and research questions --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Significance of the study: importance of the mass media and RTHK in the political process in Hong Kong --- p.4 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of the study: practical policy concerns for RTHK --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3.1 --- The unstable financial situation of the public broadcasters around the world --- p.6 ; Chapter 1.3.2 --- "The political context of Hong Kong, which RTHK is situated" --- p.12 ; Chapter 1.4 --- Research questions --- p.22 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: The normative role of public broadcaster and their performance in actual practice compared with commercial broadcaster --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Public vs Private --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Theoretical defense for the public broadcasting: Market failure in broadcasting --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.3.1 --- Spectrum scarcity and failure of competition --- p.27 ; Chapter 2.3.2 --- """Public goods"" nature of broadcasting" --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.3.3 --- Externality of the broadcasting as a media --- p.29 ; Chapter 2.3.4 --- The incapacity of the audience --- p.34 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Spectrum scarcity: Weakening rationale --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.5 --- "Market Solution for the ""public goods"" failure: Advertising" --- p.36 ; Chapter 2.6 --- Empirical studies: The public broadcasters may not be very different --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.6.1 --- Information source/news source/guest --- p.39 ; Chapter 2.6.2 --- Topics/Agenda --- p.42 ; Chapter 2.6.3 --- Frames/Themes/Angle --- p.43 ; Chapter 2.6.4 --- Other studies --- p.44 ; Chapter 2.7 --- Theoretical explanation for the quite similar phenomenon between the public and ...