Suchergebnisse

Izbori su za politologiju nadasve relevantna tema. Po autorovom mišljenju, tek slobodni demokratski izbori omogućuju politologiju kao znanost. U nedemokratskim porecima politologija nema nikakve perspektive jer jednostavno nema predmeta istraživanja. Definirajući najprije osnovne pojmove izbora, izbornih sustava, birača i biračkog prava autor objašnjava proporcionalni i većinski izborni sustav, njihove prednosti i mane, ilustrirajući ih na evropskim izbornim iskustvima. Na kraju autor upozorava na suvremenu krizu parlamentarizma čije ishodište je tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva. Po autorovom mišljenju, tehnokratsko ustrojstvo suvremenog društva i države nastoji izbjeći demokratskoj kontroli i iako je ona zajamčena ustavom. Autor smatra da izbori u Hrvatskoj potvrđuju tezu o tehnokratizaciji društva i kao da navješćuju mogućnost buduće jasne podjele na elitu i masu kao i mogućnost latentnog ili otvorenog tehnokratskog totalitarizma. ; Elections are an extremely relevant theme to politology. According to the author, only free democrat ic elect ions render politology feasible as a science. In undemocratic orders politology has no perspective because it is deprived of its subject of research. Defining first the following basic concepts - elect ions, elect ion systems, voters and voters' rights, the author describes the election systems based on the principles of proportion and majority rule, their advantages and disadvantages, illustrating them with examples from the European experience in elections. Finally, the author calls attention to the contemporary crisis of parliamentarism whose origins are in the technocratic organization of contemporary society. According to the author, the technocratic organization of contemporary society and state tends to avoid democratic control although it is guaranteed by the constitution. The author believes that the elections in Croatia confirm the thesis of the technocratization of society and seem to announce the possibility of a clear-cut distribution into elites and masses in the future, as well as the possibility of a latent or open technocratic totalitarism.

Predmet ovog priloga je kraća empirijska analiza nekih sociološko-politikoloških značajki izbora u Bosni i Hercegovini, provedenih u novembru 1990. godine. U njegovom središtu je tzv. izborna geografija i posebno uvid u rezultate provedenih izbora, pomoću analize individualnih podataka. ; The paper gives a short empirical analysis of several sociological and political features of the Bosnia and Herzegovina elections held in November 1990. The main topic is the so-called »elections geography«, especially the interpretation of the results of the past elections, by means of the individual particularity analysis. Considering the elections to have been general, equal for all, direct and secret, we may say with certainty that these elections were the first free pluralistic elections in Bosnia and Hercegovina. Also, if we add that they were held in peace, similarly to those held in countries with a long parliamentary tradition, we may well conclude that they represent a historical step toward democracy. What makes them even more significant are the circumstances in which they were held The elections consisted of three levels. Organized at the same time were the presidential, parliamentary and local (community) elections by using a very complicated procedure — the mixed election model (a combination of the proportional model and the absolute and relative majority model). More than 2 300 000 voters had the opportunity to choose among a few thousand candidates supported by 15 political parties. They (voters) have chosen seven members of the Presidency, 240 members of Parliament in the two parliamentary houses and about 5000 representatives in 110 community parliaments. The winners were the three national parties (Party of Democratic Action, Serbian Democratic Party, Croatian Democratic Union). They won 84% of the representative mandates of Parliament. Even so, the question arises whether these elections were really democratic ones? The reason for this question lies in the apparent domination of »election irrationality« and in numerous deviations from long ago fixed election »rules« in the field of election sociology. Minor or almost no influence of programs and candidates on the political determination of voters is the best example for that The national and religious factors had absolute priority. Whether this will have decisive influence on the possible instability of the new government remains to be seen.

U radu se iznose rezultati provedene analize sadržaja izbornih programa političkih stranaka u Hrvatskoj, uz kratko uvodno objašnjenje kako je došlo do slobodnih demokratskih izbora i tko je sve sudjelovao u njima. Provedena analiza ukazuje na sadržaj ponuđenih političkih ideja, te opis morfologije tržišta političkih ideja uspostavljenih kroz predizbornu kampanju. Analiza obuhvaća programe 34 stranke i u njima prali 17. tematskih cjelina. Analizom je utvrđeno da su sličnosti u programima stranaka daleko prisutnije od razlika. Međutim, bitne razlike se pojavljuju na ključnim temama. Tako se razlike mogu pratiti na temi federacija - konfederacija, Monocentrični - policentrični razvoj Hrvatske, Jačanje nacionalnog identiteta kulture - Pluralizam nacionalnih kultura i odnos prema materinstvu i abortusu. Analizom je, takođe, utvrđeno da su najčešće teme predizbornih programa bile: Pravna država (91,2 %) i poduzetništvo i privreda (70,6 %). Uzrok lome, po mišljenju autora, treba svakako tražiti u napuštanju jedno si ranačnih monopola, kao i posvemašnjoj ekonomskoj krizi privređivanja u Hrvatskoj. ; In this paper the results of a content analysis of political parties' election programmes in Croatia are presented, preceded by a short introduction referring to the occurrence of free democratic elections and all their participants. Outlined in the analysis is the substance of the political ideas offered and also the description of the morphology of the political ideas' market established in the election campaign. The analysis consists of 34 party programmes from which 17 topics have been selected for study. The results indicate many more similarities than differences among the party programmes. However, the major differences appear where the key topics are concerned, which enables their observation through the following oppositions: federation - confederation, monocentric - polycentric development of Croatia, promotion of national cultural identity - pluralism of national cultures and finally, differing attitudes towards motherhood and abortion. The most frequent topics appearing in election programmes, according to the results of the analysis are: the civil state (91,2%) and enterprising and economy (70,6%). It is the opinion of the authors that this arises from the abandonment of the one-party monopoly as well as from the overall economic crisis in Croatia.

Između dva svjetska rata u Sisku i okolici djelovalo je više političkih stranaka. Zastupale su različite programe, a njihove organizacije bile su sastavni dijelovi stranaka čija su vodstva bila u Zagrebu i Beogradu. Njihov utjecaj i politička snaga pouzdano se mogu ustanoviti tek po rezultatima koje su postizavale na izborima za Narodnu skupštinu. U ovom prilogu upravao je obrađeno sudjelovanje političkih stranaka u skupštinskim izborima u sisačkoj izbornoj jedinici, a oni su se u jugoslavenskoj državi između dva rata održali sedam puta. Po izbornim rezultatima može se zaključiti da se velika većina birača Siska i okolice izjašnjavala za federalizam, a protiv unitarizma i velikosrpske hegemonije. ; In the period between the two world wars there were several political parties active in Sisak and its surroundings. They all were fractions of larger parties with leaderships in Zagreb or Belgrade. They represented various programs, and their force and influence can be reliably established only through the results they had achieved during parliamentary elections. In this paper the author deals with the participation of political parties in the elections for the Parliament in Sisak region, and there were seven elections in Yugoslavia between the two wars. According to the results of the elections, conclusions can be made about orientation of the electors in Sisak region, and thus also about their political preferences and backing of particular political programs. Only in the first elections (in 1920) difference of opinion between cities and country was manifested. The electors in Sisak region were oriented to several political parties the programs of which met their vital interests. But in most of them the Croatian national feelings predominated. Until the dictatorship of the 6th January they mostly supported Stjepan Radić and his Croatian (republican) Peasant Party. It was the orientation to federalism, and against unitarianism and great Serbian hegemony. The electors followed Radić even when he made his well known political turn and recognized the Monarchy and Vidovdan Constitution. After Radić's death, most of the electors in Sisak region supported Dr. Vladko Maček. At the elections in 1931, during the dictatorship of the 6th January, the only list of candidates in Sisak was that of the government. The electors' attitude towards this list was best shown by their abstinence. At the elections in 1935 and 1938 most of them voted for the oppositional list with Dr. Maček at its head. That meant that they continued to support the program of equality of peoples in Yugoslavia and looked for resolution of the Croatian question in establishing federalism. Such orientation fitted into the Croatian national movement which extended all over Croatia.

Autor analizira sociostrukturna i političko-ideološka obilježja stranačkog sustava u Hrvatskoj na temelju rezultata ankete provedene pred parlamentarne izbore 1992. Iako se stranački sustav nije do kraja formirao i stabilizirao, autor pokazuje da je njegova temeljna struktura određena nizom rascjepa. Isprva dominantni povijesni rascjep između političkih orijentacija koje zagovaraju hrvatsku samostalnost i onih koje joj se protive biva nadopunjen suvremenim polarizacijama poput liberalizma nasuprot konzervativizmu, demokratičnosti nasuprot autoritarnosti, kozmopolitizma nasuprot etnocentrizmu, religioznosti nasuprot sekularnosti. Ti rascjepi dihotomno strukturiraju hrvatski stranački sustav na tradicionalistički desni pol te modernistički centar i ljevicu. Autor također opisuje glavne dinamičke tendencije u stranačkom sustavu Hrvatske. ; The author analyses socio-structural as well as political and ideological characteristics of the party system in Croatia, on the basis of the results of a survey conducted short time before the 1992 parliamentary elections. Although the party system has not been completely shaped and stabilized, the author shows that its basic structure is determined by a number of cleavages. The initially dominant historical cleavage between political orientations advocating Croatian independence and those opposing it has been supplemented by contemporary polarization, such as liberalism versus conservatism, democratism versus authoritarianism, cosmopolitism versus ethnocentrism, religious versus secular orientation. These cleavages determine a dichotomous structure of the Croatian party system with a traditionalist right-wing pole and a modernist center and left-wing pole. The author also describes main dynamic tendencies in the party system of Croatia.

Teritorijalna organizacija lokalne i regionalne samouprave koja je postojala u Hrvatskoj omogućila je centralističko upravljanje javnim poslovima. Analizira se stanje u pogledu položaja općina, gradova i županija i predlažu osnovni pravci reforme teritorijalne organizacije. Posebno se obrazlažu položaj i osnovni sistemski problemi upravljanja Gradom Zagrebom te predlažu moguća poboljšanja. ; The territorial organization of local and regional self-government which existed in Croatia led to centralistic administration of public affairs. The situation with regard to the position of municipalities, towns or cities and counties has been analysed and basic tendencies of the reform of the territorial organization are proposed. The position and main systemic problems of the City of Zagreb administration have been explained in particular and possible improvements are suggested. The territorial organization is only formally polytypical, since in reality differences in the status of municipalities and towns or cities are almost insignificant, two-tier, counties being units of the second tier, with a great number of small municipalities, In each category of local units, from municipalities through towns or cities to counties, there are very considerable differences in size among particular units. It is proposed to stop the tendency of multiplying basic local units (municipalities and towns or cities), widen independence and responsibility of larger towns and gradually reform the organization of counties. The main systemic problems of the City of Zagreb have not been solved satisfactorily. Zagreb is under the tutorship of the central state government, its relations with the closer surrounding area are regulated badly, influence on the city level is concentrated within the executive bodies, particularly the mayor whose responsibility is questionable, and not even incomplete decentralisation in the form of local self-government within the area of the City has been established for more than seven years. It is proposed to establish such a system which would combine elements of strong and efficient political leadership and an appropriate level of democracy, with the direct election of the mayor by citizens, independence of the city administration of the central state administration as well as multilevel metropolitan administration which would ensure the realization of the interests of the City, but also its close surrounding area.