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This article question what are the causes of inaccuracies in opinion polls, and what is the political impact of opinion polls and their inherent risk of inaccuracies. Examples are provided of opinion polls that failed to predict the outcome of the 2008 Democratic primary elections. The author considers the strong US traditions of polling and ties to the academic community, and examines special issues present in American politics and the nomination process for the 2008 election to explain low polling accuracy. Statistical and methodological premises of opinion polls are discussed. It is suggested that the issue of race had an impact on respondents' willingness to answer truthfully questions about their candidate of choice in primary election opinion polls. A discussion of media presentation of polling results is included and it is argued that media organizations are increasingly ordering exclusive polls as opposed to reporting aggregate results from multiple polls conducted by independent sources. The bandwagon theory of the effect polling influencing results is discussed. The article refers to the American Association for Public Opinion Research special panel to shed light on pre-election polling. It is concluded that opinion polls will continue to have an important role in election reporting. References. E. Sundby

The United States Electoral College system is explained. Written six months prior to the 2008 US Presidential election, a multiple state analysis is presented to predict which states will be crucial to the Presidential election. The geographical analysis is based on opinion polls. Other issues considered important to the outcome in each state are the state of economy, the unpopularity of the current President, the war in Iraq, and the status of fundraising efforts. Historical shifts in individual states are discussed, with a focus on those that do not have a consistent history of voting consistent democrat or republican during the past four elections. The states are divided into segments of those Obama is likely to win, those McCain is likely to win, and those that are undecided. The undecided states are discussed according to geographic region; North, South, East, and West. It is concluded that the outcome of the election is unpredictable and various Electoral College votes scenarios are presented. Tables, Figures, Charts, References. E. Sundby

While a number of answers have been given by election research and electoral sociology why Norway is not a part of the European Union there is still room for alternative perspectives. An important but overlooked reason might be how the Norwegian population sees itself in the European context. Norwegians view themselves as open, small and healthy group, whereas they view Europe as a closed, large and sick entity. This view has not developed overnight, but is an outgrowth of largely historical reasons that date as far back as year 1660 and were strengthened by the events that took place in both the 19th and 20th century. L. Pitkaniemi

"This anthology concerns the many local elections held throughout Norway on 9 September 2019. Based on voter surveys carried out after every local election since 1995, the ten chapters in this book explore a variety of election-related topics such as voting behaviour and election campaigns, as well as political participation and political trust between elections. It is at the municipal level that most citizens can influence policy, and what occurs at the local level often plays a vital role in people's daily lives. One of the objectives of this book is therefore to better understand how local democracy functions, both in and between elections.

The 2019 local elections were marked by mobilization, protest, and high turnout, due to the focus on politically charged issues such as the toll roads, climate change, and municipal amalgamation. Amalgamation was not just a campaign issue, but a part of the institutional context; the 2019 elections took place in newly merged municipalities. This is therefore a dominant topic throughout this book. How citizens feel about municipal reform and its potential consequences, for example, is explored. Several chapters examine the significance of amalgamation on various aspects of local democracy: local party systems, turnout and voting behaviour, the parties' candidate selection, and representation in municipal councils. Taken as a whole, this anthology represents a status report on local democracy in the first election held in the merged municipalities.

This book will be of interest to anyone following developments in local democracy in Norway, especially students, researchers, journalists, and politically active citizens." - "Denne antologien handler om de mange lokalvalgene som ble holdt rundt om i Norge 9. september 2019. Med utgangspunkt i velgerundersøkelsene som er gjennomført ved hvert lokalvalg siden 1995, tar boken gjennom ti kapitler for seg dels valg, velgeratferd, valgkamp og valgutfall, og dels politisk deltakelse og politisk tillit mellom valgene. Det er i kommunene flest innbyggere har anledning til å delta i politikkutformingen, og lokalnivået spiller ofte en viktig rolle i den enkeltes hverdagsliv. Hensikten med boken er derfor også å forstå hvordan lokaldemokratiet fungerer mellom valgene.

Lokalvalget i 2019 var preget av høy valgdeltakelse, mobilisering og protest gjennom fokus på politiske saker som bompenger, klima og kommunereform. Kommunereformen var ikke bare valgkamptema, men en sentral rammebetingelse for lokalvalget i 2019. Kommunesammenslåing er derfor et gjennomgående tema i boken. Ett emne er hva innbyggerne mener om kommunereformen og dens mulige konsekvenser. Flere kapitler utforsker sammenslåingenes betydning for ulike sider ved lokaldemokratiet: lokale partisystemer, valgdeltakelse, personstemmegivning, partienes nominasjoner, og representasjon i kommunestyrene. Samlet sett er antologien en statusrapport for lokaldemokratiet i det første valget etter kommunereformen.

Boken henvender seg til alle som er interessert i utviklingen av det norske lokaldemokratiet, men særlig til studenter, forskere, journalister og politisk aktive."

"This book is a study of elections to the representative organ of Norway's indigenous people, the Sámi. Based on quantitative and qualitative research, the anthology examines various aspects of elections to the Sámi Parliament, both in general and regarding the 2017 election in particular. The nine chapters delve into a wide range of topics, from voter behaviour and election results to more fundamental questions regarding indigenous representation and organizing in Norway. The book covers five main themes. First, Sámi identity and criteria for voter registration. What are considered acceptable grounds for claiming to be Sámi, and what criteria do people use when judging others as Sámi or non-Sámi? When is one 'Sámi enough' to qualify for the right to vote? These questions have a bearing on the very core of Sámi politics: who should be allowed to choose representatives on behalf of the Sámi people? Second, Sámi civil society. How do organizations that represent Sámi persons and Sámi interests relate to the Sámi Parliament? Third, voter turnout. How do we explain non-voting in a system where, unlike those for other elections in Norway, one must actively register in advance to be able to vote? And what about the fact that voters in municipalities with fewer than 30 registered voters must vote in advance? Do these circumstances depress voter turnout? Fourth, the party-political landscape. What differentiates supporters of the different parties? Are there clear differences that make it easier for voters to identify the distinctions between the parties? Finally, elections and voter information. Where do voters find information about this election? We look specifically at how parties and voters find each other in South Norway, the largest constituency in the country, and yet one in which Sámi parliamentary elections are rarely covered by the media. Sámi Parliamentary Elections: Identity, Participation, Party Politics will be relevant for everyone interested in indigenous representation and participation generally, and the Sámi democratic system in Norway particularly, especially students, academics, journalists and those who are actively engaged in Sámi politics."

Jorgen Elklit critiques Nils O. Erlandsson's (2005) essay on mandate distribution methods & the general election process in Sweden, comparing Erlandsson's work with other existing material on the subject to conclude that Erlandsson has not sufficiently familiarized himself with these materials. Erlandsson replies to Elklit, reiterating his line of reasoning. Elklit responds to Erlandsson's reply. References. C. Brunski

"This book is a study of elections to the representative organ of Norway's indigenous people, the Sámi. Based on quantitative and qualitative research, the anthology examines various aspects of elections to the Sámi Parliament, both in general and regarding the 2017 election in particular. The nine chapters delve into a wide range of topics, from voter behaviour and election results to more fundamental questions regarding indigenous representation and organizing in Norway.

The book covers five main themes. First, Sámi identity and criteria for voter registration. What are considered acceptable grounds for claiming to be Sámi, and what criteria do people use when judging others as Sámi or non-Sámi? When is one 'Sámi enough' to qualify for the right to vote? These questions have a bearing on the very core of Sámi politics: who should be allowed to choose representatives on behalf of the Sámi people? Second, Sámi civil society. How do organizations that represent Sámi persons and Sámi interests relate to the Sámi Parliament? Third, voter turnout. How do we explain non-voting in a system where, unlike those for other elections in Norway, one must actively register in advance to be able to vote? And what about the fact that voters in municipalities with fewer than 30 registered voters must vote in advance? Do these circumstances depress voter turnout? Fourth, the party-political landscape. What differentiates supporters of the different parties? Are there clear differences that make it easier for voters to identify the distinctions between the parties? Finally, elections and voter information. Where do voters find information about this election? We look specifically at how parties and voters find each other in South Norway, the largest constituency in the country, and yet one in which Sámi parliamentary elections are rarely covered by the media.

Sámi Parliamentary Elections: Identity, Participation, Party Politics will be relevant for everyone interested in indigenous representation and participation generally, and the Sámi democratic system in Norway particularly, especially students, academics, journalists and those who are actively engaged in Sámi politics." - "Denne boka er den tredje i en rekke av studier av sametingsvalg i Norge. Med utgangspunkt i velgerundersøkelser og kvalitative studier behandler boka ulike sider ved sametingsvalg generelt og valget i 2017 spesielt. Gjennom ni kapitler ser boka både på velgeradferd og valgresultat og på mer grunnleggende spørsmål om samepolitikkens oppbygging.

Boka har fem hovedtemaer. For det første, samisk identitet og forholdet til valgmanntallet. Hva skal til for å oppfatte seg selv eller andre som same? Når er man «samisk nok» til å melde seg inn i valgmanntallet? Disse spørsmålene angår selve grunnlaget for samepolitikken: hvem som skal tillates å velge representanter på vegne av det samiske folket. For det andre, det samiske sivilsamfunnet. Hvordan forholder organisasjoner som representerer samer og samiske interesser seg til Sametinget? For det tredje, valgdeltakelse. Hvordan kan man forklare hjemmesitting i et system der man – i motsetning til andre valg i Norge – aktivt må registrere seg på forhånd som velger? Og hva med det faktum at velgere i kommuner med færre enn 30 manntallsførte må forhåndsstemme – bidrar dette til å trekke ned valgdeltakelsen? For det fjerde, det partipolitiske landskapet. Hva skiller velgerne til de ulike partiene? Er det tydelige forskjeller som gjør det lett for velgerne å se forskjell på partiene? For det femte, valgkampen og velgernes informasjon. Hvor henter velgerne sin informasjon om valget fra? Vi ser særlig på hvordan partier og velgere finner hverandre i Sør-Norge, en valgkrets der sametingsvalget nesten ikke dekkes i mediene.

Sametingsvalg: Tilhørighet, deltakelse, partipolitikk henvender seg til alle som er opptatt av ulike sider ved det å ha et samisk demokratisk system i Norge, men særlig til studenter, forskere, journalister og samepolitisk aktive."

2014 marked important milestones for Afghanistan. It gained a new political leadership by a democratic election, the NATO International Stabilisation Force (ISAF) was withdrawn, and the country took the initiative to a wider and more trusting cooperation with its neighbor Pakistan (RFE/RL 2014). 2015 is a crucial year. We will get an indication of whether Afghanistan can stand on its own and if the (partial) military extraction was wise, and to what extent the new administration is viable. Adapted from the source document.

The author examines the power of superdelegates to exert disproportionate influence on the selection of the Democratic nominee for president. It is asserted that superdelegates consist dominantly of the party elite or party machine and are primarily white males, which it is further argued goes to the heart of the elitist concept of American exceptionalism. The history of American exceptionalism is examined. The introduction of superdelegates into the Democratic Party nomination process and front-loading of state elections to influence the nomination process are discussed as examples of exceptionalist politics. Campaign financing and spending is discussed, including the issue of campaign finance reform. One perspective presented on superdelegates is that they are intended to balance out the liberal tendencies of the average democrat voter in the primary election to promote the nomination of a moderate candidate. References. E. Sundby

West Africa has been an unstable region until the early 21st century, when the conflict levels reduced and democratic elections were held. The region is very resource rich and delivers up to 1/4 of United State's oil imports, making the region a good investment for Norwegian oil producing companies. Based on prior experience, Norway has built up a West African strategy that focuses on stability and development. L. Pitkaniemi