Suchergebnisse

The article proposes to analyze electoral violence in the 2018 municipal elections in Ilha de Moçambique, from a mixed approach through quantitative and qualitative data. Having triggered the inquiry through semi-open interviews, to voters who voted in the 2018 municipal elections in Ilha de Moçambique, we sought to understand the dynamics of acts of electoral violence and their meanings in Ilha de Moçambique. The research indicates that the electoral violence in Ilha de Moçambique has alarming levels, mostly led by members and sympathizers of political parties during the electoral race, due to the lack of political and civic education of party members and fear of losing power. We also noted that the biggest victims of these violent electoral acts are the members and sympathizers of political parties and that the sabotage of campaign material, intimidation, beatings, deaths and arrests are assumed to be the most common violent acts during the entire electoral process. The research also indicates that electoral violence has contributed to abstentions in the voting process, as people are afraid to approach polling stations for fear of physical or verbal aggression by the various political actors in the municipality, as electoral violence has become in a ritual.

This article aims to analyze how the distrust of a significant portion of Brazilians both in their democratic institutions and in relation to democracy itself, influenced or the election of President Jair Bolsonaro. For this, we conducted a bibliographic research, using institutionalist and, especially, culturalist theories. Thus, we perceive as possible explanatory factors, on the one hand, the recent Brazilian democracy that preserves traces of the dictatorial past in its political culture. On the other hand, as distortions between the functioning of democratic institutions, in a context of incentive to "delegative democracies", which "guides" part of the citizens to identify themselves with charismatic leaders who present themselves as outsiders within this discredited political system. In the scenario in which the media played a central role in electoral disputes.

This text deals with elections to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey held in November 2002 and particularly in July 2007. The text describes the electoral system and analyses the election results. It is focused on differences in territorial support for the main political parties. The results of the latest parliamentary elections are compared with those of the 2002 elections. The main continuities identified are a reduction in relevant political actors and the concentration of Turkish political formations, the position of the main political parties in the Turkish system and the dominance of national electoral preference components over local components. Discontinuity, by contrast, was identified in the absence of pre-election coalitions and the fragmentation of electoral preferences.

The goal of this article is to present an initial overview of 2012 US Presidential elections, discussing the Republican Party primary election process, suggesting hypothesis regarding the definition of the Republican candidate to the White House and the general challenges facing President Obama´s reelection. ; O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar um panorama inicial das eleições presidenciais de 2012 nos Estados Unidos, avaliando o processo de primárias do Partido Republicano, hipóteses sobre os possíveis cenários de definição do candidato republicano à Casa Branca e os desafios gerais da reeleição para o Presidente Obama.

In the Slovak parliamentary elections of 2010, the reformist centre-right parties defeated the left-nationalist coalition government led by Robert Fico. The election results brought some other surprises – the Movement for a Democratic Slovakia and its leader, three-times Prime Minister Vladimír Mečiar, as well as the Party of Hungarian Coalition were eliminated from the national parliament. Moreover, the election outcome of the radical right-wing Slovak National Party declined significantly. On the other hand, two new parties entered parliament. All in all, the election outcomes show the weakening of the nationalist agenda and the nationalist vote. The paper examines why this has happened and raises the question of to what extent it is sustainable.

The theoretical concept of second-order elections has become a useful tool to analyze sub-national and/or supranational elections. This paper tries to apply the concept to the regional elections in the Czech Republic and to challenge the concept by analysis of the personalization of the vote in the regional elections to the assembly of South Moravia in the year 2008. Working with the electoral results (especially with preferential voting), the authors argue that the decisions and preferences of voters were influenced not only by the situation in the main political arena (e.g. by the governing or opposition role of political parties) but also by the composition of party lists, in terms of candidates' connections locally.

Em 2014, em função de uma série de limitações impostas pela legislação eleitoral, a publicidade externa foi muito usada pelos candidatos. O problema é que as principais avenidas e cruzamentos das cidades foram tomadas por estes cavaletes, gerando uma enorme poluição visual. A partir desta questão é que surge o nosso problema de pesquisa: este acúmulo de quase um cavalete sobre o outro cria uma sensação de atração ou de distração em relação às propagandas políticas dos candidatos? Para isso, como suporte metodológico, foi utilizada a perspectiva funcionalista, através de um estudo de recepção para medir e avaliar se há um processamento da linguagem e uma consequente sensação de atração ou de distração em relação aos cavaletes de rua colocados pelos candidatos.

This article aims to discuss how digital social networks contribute to the political-electoral debate. The research involves two theoretical aspects: one about the centrality of electoral coverage and other about social media as a space for distribution and circulation of journalistic contents. Based on this discussion, we analyze the content published on the fanpages of 9 newspapers of the Northeastern - O Estado do maranhão (MA), Meio Norte (PI), O Povo (CE), Tribuna do Norte (RN), A Tarde (BA), Jornal da Paraíba (PB), Diário de Pernambuco (PE), Gazeta de Alagoas (AL) and Jornal da Cidade (SE) - during the electoral period of 2016. The objective is to identify the visibility given to the political-electoral issue, the candidates and which campaign sub-themes are published. 9,993 posts were categorized. ; Este artigo discute como as redes sociais digitais contribuem com o debate político-eleitoral. A pesquisa envolve duas vertentes teóricas, sendo uma relacionada à centralidade da cobertura eleitoral e a outra tratando das redes sociais como um espaço de distribuição e circulação de conteúdos jornalísticos. A partir disso, analisa-se o conteúdo publicado nas páginas do Facebook de nove jornais do Nordeste - O Estado do maranhão (MA), Meio Norte (PI), O Povo (CE), Tribuna do Norte (RN), A Tarde (BA), Jornal da Paraíba (PB), Diário de Pernambuco (PE), Gazeta de Alagoas (AL) e Jornal da Cidade (SE) – durante o período eleitoral de 2016. Com este recorte, o objetivo é identificar a visibilidade dada ao tema político-eleitoral, aos candidatos e aos subtemas de campanha. No total, foram categorizadas 9.993 postagens.

The article discusses the outcomes of elections to the European Parliament in Austria in June 2004. Attitudes of relevant Austrian parties towards the European integration project are briefly discussed and placed on the theoretical scale that ranges from "Hard Euroscepticism" and "Identity Europeanism". The presented outcomes of the elections are put into the general context of the Austrian party system and voters' preferences since the middle 1980s. Special attention is given to the phenomenon of Hans-Peter Martin's populist list that won almost 14 % of the vote. Also, relatively low voter turnout is discussed. The Austrian example is very suitable for theorizing European elections as elections of less voters´ attention that is conceptualized at the end of the article.

New President of Romania Traian Băsescu is strong-willed to fight corruption which is a potential threat of national security. Fighting corruption, Băsescu and new government must smash through the shield of interposed persons. Such persons are covering "white collars" that are top-ranking businessmen or privatizers close to political parties. That is why new government and new President want to modify existing penal code and to widen criminal liability of involved persons and organized groups. Today's politically motley Parliament wouldn't be able to adopt such legal measures. In this case, President Băsescu, enjoying wide currency and making use of his accumulated electoral capital, will manifestly be leading the country to anticipated elections. By such a step he would provide current main coalition political parties (PD and PNL) with a comfortable majority in Parliament and with an appropriate milieu for adopting new penal code.

Este artigo mapeia e analisa as estratégias eleitorais digitais utilizadas pelos (as) deputados (as) distritais eleitos em 2018 no Distrito Federal. Com base em entrevistas qualitativas, análise de documentos e análise de dados de gastos de campanhas, propõe uma tipologia de quatro estilos de campanhas eleitorais digitais. A análise mostra que, pese à crescente relevância das tecnologias digitais em campanhas eleitorais, um quadrante permanece vazio: o das campanhas que priorizam gastos com impulsionamento de conteúdo online ao mesmo tempo em que utilizam uma grande diversidade de plataformas digitais. O artigo argumenta que as práticas adotadas resultam de processos dinâmicos de aprendizado dos atores em um contexto de incerteza quanto ao uso e à efetividade de novas estratégias digitais. Argumenta também que esses processos são relacionais, no sentido de que a incorporação de tecnologias é em parte fruto da interação com os eleitores, que pressionam os candidatos a ter maior presença digital.

Nesse artigo vamos analisar a questão do medo, e o uso político do medo, comparando dois casos dessa utilização da estratégia do medo no discurso político da mídia televisiva, os quais foram efetuados em dois momentos diferentes, nas campanhas eleitorais das eleições presidenciais de 2002 e 2014. Além disso, busca-se relacionar o discurso do medo na mídia, às condições de incertezas, a busca do prazer, o consumo e o individualismo instauradas na pós-modernidade. A partir de uma análise crítica das condições sociais, pretende-se investigar como o medo, potencializado pela mídia, é capaz de produzir um efeito de alienação capaz de criar um discurso que acaba se repetindo mecanicamente, reproduzindo ações e ampliando conceitos artificiais introduzidos socialmente, produzindo, mesmo, a proliferação de preconceitos, discursos fáceis e estereotipados.

The paper analyses the Europeanisation of election manifestos of major relevant political parties in the Slovak Republic between 1994 and 2010. The changes are examined by means of the two-dimensional concept distinguishing the quantitative and qualitative dimensions of Europeanization; and Europeanisation in manifestos is interpreted as a result of European integration. The authors conclude that the process of the Europeanisation of political parties began a little later in Slovakia in comparison to some of the countries which became democratized slightly earlier (e.g. the Czech Republic). A different pace of democratization, experience with Mečiar's hybrid regime, and the multi-dimensional party system seem to be the main reasons for the "backwardness" of Slovak political parties' manifestoes.