Suchergebnisse

The study examines public's perceptions of the political climate in the Slovak society before the Parliamentary Elections scheduled for 2002. It compares public's opinions and views during two specific periods-In October 1997-a year before Parliamentary Elections (three years into Vladimir Mečiar's government) and in September 2001 (approximately 3 years into the government of Mikulaš Dzurinda). Findings of two separate empirical sociological surveys, one conducted in October 1997, other in September 2001, conducted by the Institute for Public Affairs form the basis for analysis. The results of the analysis showed that despite the fact that the public perceived the socio-political situation as gradually worsening after the 1998 Parliamentary elections, their perceptions as recorded in September 2001, are qualitatively of a different nature than those observed in October 1997 (Vladimir Mečiar's government). This difference was observed mainly in the area of public's perception of problems in the society, evaluation of developments in specific areas [in society], as well as the degree of public's pre-election expectations. When it comes to public opinion, the general mood before the 2002 elections is dictated predominantly by the problems in the economy and the social sphere-it is not caused by any shortcomings in guaranteeing democracy and the rule of law, as was the case before 1998 election. ; The study examines public's perceptions of the political climate in the Slovak society before the Parliamentary Elections scheduled for 2002. It compares public's opinions and views during two specific periods-In October 1997-a year before Parliamentary Elections (three years into Vladimir Mečiar's government) and in September 2001 (approximately 3 years into the government of Mikulaš Dzurinda). Findings of two separate empirical sociological surveys, one conducted in October 1997, other in September 2001, conducted by the Institute for Public Affairs form the basis for analysis. The results of the analysis showed that ...

The economic literature has discussed the effects of public spending on the probability of re-election, pointing out that voters tend to evaluate the performance of politics based on the pre-election period (political myopia). In this context, this study investigates the influence of public investments on the re-election of municipal mayors in the state of Espírito Santo, Brazil, between 2001 and 2012. Using Logistic regression, we find that voters from the State of Espírito Santo, in general, reward the mayors who promote increments related to public investment in the period surrounding the elections, which is consistent with results in the political cycles and electoral behavior literature, although no empirical evidence was found that those voters are conservative in a fiscal perspective. ; La literatura económica ha discutido los efectos del gasto público sobre las posibilidades de reelección de los gobernantes, y señaló que los votantes tienden a evaluar el desempeño de los políticos en función de su rendimiento en el período pre-electoral (miopía política). En este contexto, este trabajo investiga la influencia de la inversión pública sobre la reelección de los alcaldes de los municipios en el estado de Espírito Santo, entre 2001 y 2012. A través de la metodología de regresión logística, los resultados sugieren que los votantes del Espírito Santo en general recompensan a los alcaldes que promueven incrementos en la inversión pública en el periodo cercano a las elecciones, que parece consistente con la literatura más reciente de los ciclos políticos y comportamiento electoral, aunque no había ninguna evidencia empírica de que los votantes son conservadores en el punto de vista fiscal. ; A literatura econômica tem debatido os efeitos dos gastos públicos sobre as chances de recondução dos governantes, apontando que os eleitores tendem a avaliar com um maior peso a performance dos políticos tendo por base seu desempenho no período pré-eleitoral (miopia política). Nesse contexto, este trabalho investiga a influência dos investimentos públicos sobre a recondução dos prefeitos dos municípios do estado do Espírito Santo, entre 2001 e 2012. Por meio da metodologia de regressão logística, os resultados sugerem que os eleitores capixabas, de modo geral, premiam os prefeitos que promovem incrementos relativos de investimentos públicos no período próximo às eleições, o que se mostra consistente com a literatura mais recente de ciclos políticos e de comportamento elei­toral, embora não tenha havido a comprovação empírica de que os eleitores sejam conservadores sob a ótica fiscal.

The motives for choosing the government's chief executive are of vital importance in a democratic society. In this article, evidence is presented of how local economic growth in the last year of government has a positive impact on the percentage of votes obtained by the incumbent in a population sample of Brazilian municipalities, with data of the presidential and municipal elections of 2000 to 2010. Real GDP growth of the city is used as a measure of local economic growth to test the hypothesis that voters in a municipality tend to reward incumbents and their candidates, if they had good economic performance in the last year of their mandate. The hypothesis is based on the economic theory of voting, suggesting that incumbents are more likely to win re-election, or elect their successor, when the economy is good. Panel and Multilevel models are used to detail the effects and the impact of economic growth in the proportion of votes obtained by the incumbent. The multilevel analysis was used in order to better explore existing heterogeneity in the economic voting phenomenon and thereby infer how economic growth effects may vary among parties, the federation units, constituency and other variables. ; La investigación de los factores que influyen en la elección del jefe del Ejecutivo en Brasil es un asunto de vital impor­tancia en la literatura. En este artículo, presentamos evidencia de que el crecimiento económico local en el último año del gobierno tiene un impacto positivo en el porcentaje de votos obtenidos por el incumbente en una muestra de los municipios brasileños, con datos relativos a las elecciones presidenciales y municipales de 2000 a 2010. Utilizamos el crecimiento real del PIB municipal como medida de crecimiento económico local para poner a prueba la hipótesis de que los votantes en una ciudad tienden a recompensar el titular y sus candidatos que tuvieron un buen desempeño económico en el último año de mandato. La hipótesis se base en la teoría económica de la votación que sugiere que los titulares tienen más probabilidades de ganar la reelección, o elegir a su sucesor, cuando la economía está en un buen momento. En el análisis se utiliza los métodos de datos de panel y el análisis multinivel con el fin de aprovechar mejor la heterogeneidad existente en el fenómeno del voto económico y con ello inferir la existencia de efectos del crecimiento económico sobre la proporción de votos obtenidos por el incumbente y cómo estos efectos pueden variar en relación a partidos, las unidades de la federación, circunscripción electoral y otras variables. ; A investigação dos fatores que influenciam a escolha do chefe do Executivo no Brasil é uma questão de vital importância. Neste artigo, apresentam-se evidências de que o crescimento econômico local no último ano de governo possui impacto positivo na porcentagem de votos obtidos pelo incumbente em uma amostra da população dos municípios brasileiros, com dados das eleições presidenciais e municipais de 2000 a 2010. Usamos a expansão real do PIB municipal como medida do crescimento econômico local e testamos a hipótese de que os eleitores em um município premiam os incumbentes, ou seus respectivos candidatos, que tiveram bom desempenho econômico no último ano de mandato. A hipótese se baseia na teoria econômica do voto que sugere que os incumbentes têm mais chances de vencer uma reeleição, ou eleger seu sucessor, quando a economia está em um bom momento. Na análise utilizamos as abordagens para dados em painel, além de análise multinível, de modo a melhor explorar a heterogeneidade existente no fenômeno do voto econômico e com isso inferir a existência de efeitos do crescimento econômico na proporção de votos obtidos pelo incumbente e como esses efeitos podem variar em relação a partidos, unidades da federação, circunscrição eleitoral e outras variáveis.

This article discusses the election of public-school principals since the emancipation, in the 1990s, of the municipality of Queimados, located in the state of Rio de Janeiro. Through documentary analysis of texts from the executive and legislative branches, it can be observed that participation, as a dimension of democratic management, is in the center of this process. Aspects of the performance of the candidate are important for the election and the election of directors according to legal documents generates a kind of self-loyalty, in view of goal 19 of the Brazilian National Education Plan, which regulates the selection of directors through public consultation. ; Este artículo debate la trayectoria de la elección de directores de escuelas públicas desde la emancipación, en la década de 1990, del municipio de Queimados, ubicado en el estado de Rio de Janeiro, en la región sureste de Brasil. A través del análisis documental de textos de los poderes ejecutivo y legislativo, se puede observar que la participación, como dimensión de la gestión democrática (Lima, 2014), se aleja del centro de este proceso. Aspectos relacionados al desempeño del candidato a la dirección escolar son fundamentales para la participación en el pleito y están bajo el control del poder ejecutivo. A elección de directores basada en los documentos legales genera una especie de autofidelidad, una vez que la meta 19 del Plan Nacional de Educación, que condiciona la selección de directores por medio de la consulta pública. ; O presente artigo debate a trajetória da eleição de diretores das escolas públicas, desde a emancipação na década de 1990, no município de Queimados, localizado no estado do Rio de Janeiro, na região sudeste do Brasil. Por meio de análise documental de textos dos poderes executivo e legislativo, pode-se observar que a participação, como dimensão de gestão democrática (LIMA, 2014) afasta-se do centro deste processo. Aspectos relacionados ao desempenho do candidato à direção escolar são cruciais para a participação no pleito e estão sob o crivo do poder executivo. Ademais, a eleição de diretores expressa nos documentos legais gera uma espécie de auto fidelidade, visto a meta 19 do Plano Nacional de Educação que regulamenta a seleção de diretores por meio de consulta pública.

All elections have characteristics associated with the context in which they are held. European elections in 2014 do not escape this rule. In relation to European elections that occurred in the past, there are at least two aspects that contribute to the specificity of the event schedule. First, and the first time voters will elect a European Parliament (EP) with enhanced powers, after the entry into force in 2009, the Treaty of Lisbon. The EP will have a greater capacity for intervention in some key areas, such as the free circulation of people, international trade agreements and the reform of the agrarian policy. Besides that, for the first time will also elect 'formally' the president of the European Commission. In this sense, the political majority that will leave the next European elections will have a fundamental weight to influence an important set of policies, including the annual budget and the policies associated with the fiscal compact. Adapted from the source document.

This paper maps and compares the main topics articulated by political parties in their manifestos published for the Slovak parliamentary elections in 2010 and 2012. First, the paper discusses the conceptual grounds of policy space dynamics. Next, it outlines the method used for the research, based upon quantitative content analysis of the parties' manifestos of the Comparative Manifestos Project Group. Relevance of individual issues is measured by their representation in manifestos. The paper also examines the change in parties' priorities for the 2012 election compared to the election of 2010. With the help of an additional methodology tool, the parties under review are then put along a left-right spectrum. Using this technique, the policy space during the period of both elections is examined. Simultaneously, party shifts along the left-right spectrum that emerged from the obtained data are presented. The final section of the article exposes the descriptive results to the theoretical assumptions about policy space dynamics presented in the beginning. Adapted from the source document.

Election laws regulate the number of deputies who are elected in individual electoral districts, and set them in relation to the population, respectively to the number of voters participating in elections in individual regions. Elected deputies could thus be regarded as political representatives of citizens living in electoral districts. However, under systems of proportional representation, current deputies represent the ideology of the party to which they belong rather than the region. Nevertheless, it makes sense to study the spatial distribution of the places of origin and residence of members of parliament and their changes over time, because it suggests much about the political system and the system of representative democracy in the country. The spatial distribution of places of residence of candidates and elected members indicates not only the territorial proportionality and geographic representativeness, but also the shifting centers of political power. The analysis clearly confirms the gradual decentralization and regionalization of political power in the country, which stands in contrast to the centralization of power in the economy, this latter trend apparent from the concentration of economic management and decision-making in the largest cities, especially in Prague.

With reference to ideas presented in the theory of media malaise, the article aims to assess the role of negative campaigning in Czech elections and to analyse how it is perceived by voters, how it correlates with electoral preferences, and other important variables. The analysis is based on data from the Czech Election Survey 2010. The author draws from the causal relationship formulated in the above mentioned theory, according to which the effect of the news media and their emphasis on negative news and negativity contribute to growing political cynicism among citizens. Negative and conflicting media news, which are even more intense during election campaigns, activate the spiral of public cynicism and cause public trust in political actors to fall, as well as alignment and voter turnout (Cappella and Jamieson 1997). The author attempts to test the hypothesis: The more people watch the media and the more they are exposed to election campaign coverage, the greater is their political cynicism. Adapted from the source document.

The present article comments on the contemporary development of the Austrian party stage, deals with the governmental crisis of the Schüssels cabinet and the situation before the early elections to the National Council in November 2002. Analyzing the basic programme outputs and potential coalition strategies of the relevant Austrian parties, it considers all the possible configurations after the elections. The article also briefly analyses the consequences of various alternatives of post-electoral coalition for alteration of the Austrian party system that undergoes the long-term process of transformation. ; The present article comments on the contemporary development of the Austrian party stage, deals with the governmental crisis of the Schüssels cabinet and the situation before the early elections to the National Council in November 2002. Analyzing the basic programme outputs and potential coalition strategies of the relevant Austrian parties, it considers all the possible configurations after the elections. The article also briefly analyses the consequences of various alternatives of post-electoral coalition for alteration of the Austrian party system that undergoes the long-term process of transformation.

In the countdown to the upcoming European elections, analysts have been increasingly paying attention to the political alternatives that intend to undermine the current status quo in Brussels. Within this group, the radical right is preparing to expand its presence in the European Parliament, set to be strengthened by the Lisbon Treaty. This article explores the way these parties have dealt with the European institutions over the last decades, the changes they have been through, as well as the challenges that lie ahead. Although the socioeconomic scenario might favour its ambitions, the radical right still needs to cope with its internal fragilities. Adapted from the source document.