Suchergebnisse

This article analyzes the "dramatizing mobilization" of the electorate that took place in the Italian general elections of 2001. The author suggests that the electoral campaign has been focused mainly on the choice "for" or "against" Berlusconi, which may have somewhat simplified the voting decision. However, it could also have stimulated the electoral participation, since turnout has been greater than expected. In the Center-Left, the "dramatizing mobilization" seems to have mainly favored the new aggregation called "Margherita." In the Center-Right, the same phenomenon helps explain why the "Casa delle Liberta" coalition has received a number of votes in the "plurality" vote significantly lower than the sum of the votes obtained by its individual parties in the "proportional" vote. Finally, the analysis suggests that the "dramatizing mobilization" brought a positive effect for the Center-Left coalition, stimulating mostly the vote "against" Berlusconi. 5 Tables, 4 Figures, 5 References. Adapted from the source document.

Examines the basic law on government adopted in 1992 by the Israeli parliament (Knesset), which mandated direct instead of proportional election of the president; resulting changes in executive-legislative relations since the election of President Netanyahu in 1996. Summary in English.

The article deals with the period of the history of Fiume from January 5 to October 5, 1921, using the sources of the Zanella Archive (kept in the Archivio Storico di Fiume in Rome). The elections (April 24) for the constituent Assembly of the new Free State of Fiume, established by the Rapallo Treaty, are the central event. Before the elections, fascists and legionaries committed severe violence. After the unexpected victory of the autonomists, the violence multiplies, and the national-fascists try to establish an excep-tional government. The attempt fails because of the opposition of the plenipotentiary minister to Fiume Caccia Dominioni and the Italian government. However, the situation of public order remains turbulent. Only with the Bonomi government (July 4) and the ap-pointment of General Amantea as Extraordinary Commissioner will the convening of the Constituent Assembly be set for October 5.

A day of study on Elections & Political Parties in Italy was held on 13 Nov 2007 at the School of Political Science of the Atheno in memory of its former director Pasquale Scaramozzino, taking as a starting point some of his writings published posthumously in the volume edited by G. Sani, Diaro e numeri di una crisi. La transizione elettorale in Italia: 1900-2001 ([Diary and Enumeration of a Crisis. The Electoral Transition in Italy: 1900-2001] 2007). Presented here is an annotated transcription of the opening address delivered by Leopoldo Elia. After paying tribute to his departed friend, Elia reviews some of the major points of Scaramozzinos writings & notes their relevance for Italian politics today. Adapted from the source document.

This research project examines the consistency of Italian regional and local electoral systems with the Constitution. After a brief presentation of the international, European and constitutional norms regulating the right to vote, the thesis follows the evolution of the electoral laws of every level of government and the corresponding judicial decisions, both constitutional and not, which formed in the same years. It then analyzes thoroughly the electoral rules of the 19 Regions, 2 Autonomous Provinces, of the Provinces/Metropolitan Cities and of the Municipalities. The project assesses whether the standards provided by the Constitutional Court in relation to a particular level of government can be applied to other levels: in particular, the focus is on the interpretation of section 2, art. 48 Const. as applied to the national electoral law in the 1/14 and 35/17 decisions. After demonstrating that it would probably be appropriate to differentiate the application of the constitutional standards (more strictly to the Regions and less to the other entities), the thesis compares today's laws with these standards. Finally, in order to allow a comparative analysis, the research project presents the German and Spanish systems of local electoral laws and its constitutional norms, from which it derives proposals to solve some of the long-lasting issues of the Italian local electoral system.

Examines the new electoral system introduced in Italy for the 1993 elections to the Parliament and Senate. Summary in English p. 619.

The paper faces the postponement of elections during pandemics in Italy. It assesses the necessity of a constitutional balancing among the democratic principle, in one hand, and the freedom of vote and the right to health, in the other. The former would require not to postpone the elections, the latter the opposite. The paper distinguishes the space of this balancing according to the different legal force of the sources of law, which regulate every specific election. It concludes that the postponement of elections in Italy during pandemics shows lights and shadows. In fact, the postponement of the constitutional referendum and other elections during the first phase of pandemics seems to comply with a reasonable balancing of the constitutional values at stake, while the postponements in the second phase of pandemics seem to sacrifice excessively the democratic principle.

The paper analyzes the rules of the constitutional reform in the text on the Court to check his possible role in the new constitutional system. Particular attention is devoted to the rules governing the composition of the Court and to the prior appeal against the election law. While taking the moves by those provisions, the paper highlights the possible indirect effects on the functioning of the organ of constitutional justice arising under other provisions. Next to possible problems relating to the independence of judges and the involvement of the court in the political debate, the essay shows the inadequacy of the reform with regard to the procedural defects can increase. ; Il contributo analizza le norme del testo di riforma costituzionale nella parte relativa alla Corte per verificare quale potrebbe essere il suo ruolo nel nuovo sistema costituzionale. In particolare, oggetto dell'indagine sono le norme relative alla composizione della Corte e al ricorso preventivo contro la legge elettorale. Pur prendendo le mosse da tali disposizioni, il lavoro mette in evidenza anche possibili effetti indiretti sul funzionamento dell'organo di giustizia costituzionale derivanti da altre disposizioni. Accanto a possibili problemi relativi all'indipendenza dei giudici e al coinvolgimento della corte nel dibattito politico, il saggio mostra l'inadeguatezza della riforma rispetto al possibile incremento dei vizi formali.

This essay examines the effects of the electoral reforms in Italy on the behaviour of political parties, focusing on their conflicting & cooperative interaction. It identifies the incentives provided by the two different electoral systems introduced in 1993 & in 2005. It emphasizes the crucial role played by the strategic coordination between parties -- whose main product has been the making of pre-election coalitions -- in the causal path going from the electoral rules to the election results & the party system. It discusses the main features of new Italian party system & of its evolution up to the 2006 general election, particularly the establishment of a bipolar setting & the high degree of party fragmentation. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.