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The paper presents the election results of the Democratic Party in the midterm elections 2010. The consequences of these elections encompassed the loss of seats in both houses of Congress as well as the much more painful outcome of the Republican Party winning a majority in the House of Representatives. President Obama assumed complete responsibility for this defeat, and the next two years for him will mean cooperation with the GOP, which will be difficult given the financial crisis. Midterm elections traditionally undermine the party of the President in office – power drains from those who wield it. There always are people who are disappointed with the current policy of the administration, however, in 2010 we can talk about a political earthquake. Apart from the 'midterm elections effect', the success of the Republican Party partly resulted from the difficult economic situation and the reform of the health care system. A significant feature of this campaign involved the Tea Party movement, which won a considerable support owing to its critical attitude to President Obama's domestic policy. ; The paper presents the election results of the Democratic Party in the midterm elections 2010. The consequences of these elections encompassed the loss of seats in both houses of Congress as well as the much more painful outcome of the Republican Party winning a majority in the House of Representatives. President Obama assumed complete responsibility for this defeat, and the next two years for him will mean cooperation with the GOP, which will be difficult given the financial crisis. Midterm elections traditionally undermine the party of the President in office – power drains from those who wield it. There always are people who are disappointed with the current policy of the administration, however, in 2010 we can talk about a political earthquake. Apart from the 'midterm elections effect', the success of the Republican Party partly resulted from the difficult economic situation and the reform of the health care system. A significant feature of this campaign involved the Tea Party movement, which won a considerable support owing to its critical attitude to President Obama's domestic policy.

The paper presents the election results of the Democratic Party in the midterm elections 2010. The consequences of these elections encompassed the loss of seats in both houses of Congress as well as the much more painful outcome of the Republican Party winning a majority in the House of Representatives. President Obama assumed complete responsibility for this defeat, and the next two years for him will mean cooperation with the GOP, which will be difficult given the financial crisis. Midterm elections traditionally undermine the party of the President in office – power drains from those who wield it. There always are people who are disappointed with the current policy of the administration, however, in 2010 we can talk about a political earthquake. Apart from the 'midterm elections effect', the success of the Republican Party partly resulted from the difficult economic situation and the reform of the health care system. A significant feature of this campaign involved the Tea Party movement, which won a considerable support owing to its critical attitude to President Obama's domestic policy.

With California's Proposition 187 in 1994 as the backdrop for the relationship between Latinos and the Republican Party, this article explores the impact that the 2012 Presidential Election had on Latinos and the growing influence of Latinos in American Politics. I look at the historical roots of the relationship between the GOP and Latinos and the short road that brought us to the apogee of anti-Latino rhetoric throughout the 2012 Presidential Election and the GOP primary elections. I discuss whether or not the immigration issue has formed a structural barrier to the GOP's relationship Latinos. Next, this article looks at the outreach effort by the GOP, in particular the missteps and miscommunication between Republican Latino organizations and the Romney campaign. Last, I look at the results of the election and discuss what this could mean for the future of Latino politics and for the country. I also briefly look at the structural features of our electoral system that is hampering the GOPs ability to reach out to Latinos. I conclude with a short discussion on what the GOP can do to change this and how the Democrats should consider responding. ; Con la Proposición 187 de California en 1994 como telón de fondo de la relación entre los latinos y el Partido Republicano, este artículo explora el impacto que la elección presidencial de 2012 tuvo sobre los latinos y la creciente influencia de los latinos en la política estadounidense. Miro a las raíces históricas de la relación entre el Partido Republicano y los latinos y el camino corto que nos trajo al auge de la retórica anti-latina en las elecciones presidenciales de 2012 y las elecciones primarias del Partido Republicano. Discuto si el tema de la inmigración se ha formado una barrera estructural para los latinos la relación del Partido Republicano. A continuación, este artículo analiza el esfuerzo de divulgación por el Partido Republicano, en particular, los errores y falta de comunicación entre las organizaciones de latinos republicanos y la campaña de Romney. ...

The article focuses on problems of constitutional regulation of elections and requirements for candidates for representative positions in a democratic society. The issue of financing elections and solutions for this problem were considered, taking into account the "financial" qualification that was set at the legislative level in many democratic states of the world. The terminology that is present in the constitutional legal science concerning the regulation of elections is analyzed, the stages in the election process are considered and the main problems that occur during this process are revealed. In the course of the study of the topic, the author concludes on the need for financial control and monitoring of expenditures from the state budget during the electoral process, not only to detect a violation of legislation or to identify financial crimes, but also to determine the profitability of the electoral process as a whole, for its reformation and to reduce budget expenses during the elections. Also, the author comes to the conclusion that it is necessary to bring the financial qualification to the financial capability of all citizens of the state for each subsequent election, proceeding from the official minimum and average salaries.

03:06:08 horas ; Cubrimiento especial que realizó la alianza de medios de la UNAB sobre estas elecciones regionales. #Elecciones2019 #JóvenesEligen Alianza de medios de la Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga. Periódico 15, Unab Radio, Soy Autónomo y UNABTV. ; Coverage of the elections of the representatives to the curricular committees of academic programs, councils of faculties, Academic Council and Board of Directors of the Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga 2019. Special coverage made by the UNAB media alliance on these regional elections. # Elecciones2019 # JóvenesEligen . Media Alliance of the Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga. Newspaper 15, Unab Radio, Soy Autónomo and UNABTV. "

An election campaign is an inseparable element of every election process. It is time preceding all democratic elections which in its being is exceptional and unique. This article is aimed at presenting to the comprehensive systematization of election campaigns. Ten criteria allowing to understand the complexity of the discussed political phenomenon were adopted. They are these criteria: the object, the time, the spatial reach, the legitimacy, the sequence of voting, the way of competition, the aim, the way of reaching the electorate, technological trends, methods of proceedings. For example the authoress assigned to the first criterion such electoral campaigns as: european, presidential, parliamentary, self-government. The systematization of election campaigns described in the article seems as of today to use up the complexity of the description of that political phenomenon. Maybe in the future implementing new criteria of the typology will be necessary. It will happen probably as a result of the rapid development of an contemporary election campaigns, and new criteria will concern rather strategic and tactical matters, than they will result from prescriptive regulations.

The aim of the article is to determine the effect of the exclusion of the 'solo-mobile' population on the accuracy of electoral predictions conducted with telephone surveys in Spain. To this end, data from the 2012 Andalusian regional elections are analysed, in which all pre-election polls failed to predict. In line with similar international research, the data also show that the lack of coverage is very structured around important socio-demographic variables which suggest that this problem could be biased in measuring other topics of interest to social and political research in our country. ; This article analyses the effects that excluding the Cell Phone-only Population (CPO) has on the accuracy of pre-election telephone surveys in Spain. The data were taken from the 2012 Andalusia Regional Election, where all poll-based forecasts failed. Our results show how using only landlines contributed to significant biases in voting estimates, where votes for the right-wing party (PP) were overestimated and votes for the left-wing parties (PSOE and IU) were underestimated. Moreover, and consistently with similar studies carried out in other countries, our analysis shows how under-coverage is clearly structured along important socio-demographic variables. This means that under-coverage could be causing bias in the measurements of other subjects that are important for social and political research in Spain. ; The aim of the article is to determine the effect of the exclusion of the 'solo-mobile' population on the accuracy of electoral predictions conducted with telephone surveys in Spain. To this end, data from the 2012 Andalusian regional elections are analysed, in which all pre-election polls failed to predict. In line with similar international research, the data also show that the lack of coverage is very structured around important socio-demographic variables which suggest that this problem could be biased in measuring other topics of interest to social and political research in our country. ; El objetivo del ...

This work analyzes the behavior of the Mexican radio during the elections in July 2000. It also revises the role of the radio as a field for political discussion, and studies the way this issue was handled. At last, it revises the possible impact of new factors in the Mexican radio, in order to obtain an independent treatment of political information. ; En este trabajo se analiza el comportamiento de la radio en México ante la contienda electoral de julio de 2000. Se examina el papel de la radio como espacio para la discusión política, así como el tratamiento informativo que hizo del tema. Asimismo, se analiza la posible repercusión de factores de reciente surgimiento en el panorama radiofónico para un manejo más autónomo de la información política en la radio.

Election law is the main element of the constitutional democracy. In democratic society the Nation, as the holder of suverenity, grants power to the authority institutions. Fundamental rules must be implemented during the formation of political representative bodies. Fundamental principles are: universal election, equal election, free election, secret suffrage and direct suffrage. These principles consists of narrower regulations, which are important for the nature of the main principle. Electors' rights and duties originate from principles of the election law. Main principles of the election law are sometimes called Europe's electoral or constitutional law heritage. These principles are the main rules for organizing and administrating the process of election. Constitutional democracy requires that national authoritues should povide effective legal basis to implement and safeguard these rules. These principles are regulated in the Constitution of Lithuania and election statutes. Well-established safeguard apparatus can not be created, since statutes are often changed. This research is focused on the content of principles of the election: it discloses and gives broader understanding of the compaund elements of the principles; the research focuses on the problems deriving from the implementation and safeguard of the main principles.

Election law is the main element of the constitutional democracy. In democratic society the Nation, as the holder of suverenity, grants power to the authority institutions. Fundamental rules must be implemented during the formation of political representative bodies. Fundamental principles are: universal election, equal election, free election, secret suffrage and direct suffrage. These principles consists of narrower regulations, which are important for the nature of the main principle. Electors' rights and duties originate from principles of the election law. Main principles of the election law are sometimes called Europe's electoral or constitutional law heritage. These principles are the main rules for organizing and administrating the process of election. Constitutional democracy requires that national authoritues should povide effective legal basis to implement and safeguard these rules. These principles are regulated in the Constitution of Lithuania and election statutes. Well-established safeguard apparatus can not be created, since statutes are often changed. This research is focused on the content of principles of the election: it discloses and gives broader understanding of the compaund elements of the principles; the research focuses on the problems deriving from the implementation and safeguard of the main principles.

This article analyses the relations between citizens and the electoral campaign regarding insecurity/lack of public safety during the presidential election of 2015. Crime was one of the major concerns of the country that year, so much so that four of the six candidates produced specific election advertising spots on the subject. Within this context, the article asks: What does insecurity mean for citizens? Do they support the promises of the campaign? How do they interpret audio-visual materials about insecurity? The aim is to explore how those viewers interpreted campaign publicity on insecurity/crime during the presidential election of 2015 and to reflect on their role in the processes of political mediatization. Analyzing six focal groups, we were able to conclude that: i. People experience worry about crime in the city and distrust not only the police but the legal system and political representatives; ii. They do not criticize the candidates' promises, but they can unveil the true or false intentions of election advertising; iii. They distinguish between election advertising aimed at an emotional response (false) and those more logical or rational (closer to the truth). ; Este artículo analiza la relación entre la ciudadanía con la publicidad electoral sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de Argentina en 2015. Durante este año, el crimen urbano fue una de las mayores preocupaciones del país al punto de que cuatro de los seis candidatos presidenciales produjeron spots específicos sobre el tópico. En este contexto, el artículo se pregunta: ¿Qué implicaba la inseguridad para los ciudadanos?, ¿acordaban con las promesas de campaña?, ¿cómo interpretaron los materiales audiovisuales sobre inseguridad? El objetivo es explorar cómo las denominadas audiencias electorales interpretaron las publicidades sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de 2015 y reflexionar sobre sobre su lugar en los procesos de mediatización política. La realización de seis grupos focales permitió concluir que las audiencias electorales: i. vivencian con preocupación la inseguridad en la ciudad, desconfían de la justicia, la policía y de sus representantes políticos; ii. no critican las promesas puntuales de los candidatos, sino que procuran develar las intenciones reales o engañosas de las publicidades electorales; iii. definen los fragmentos de publicidad electoral como construidos en clave emotiva (por tanto, falsos), o como lógicos y racionales (por tanto, cercanos a la verdad).

This article analyses the relations between citizens and the electoral campaign regarding insecurity/lack of public safety during the presidential election of 2015. Crime was one of the major concerns of the country that year, so much so that four of the six candidates produced specific election advertising spots on the subject. Within this context, the article asks: What does insecurity mean for citizens? Do they support the promises of the campaign? How do they interpret audio-visual materials about insecurity? The aim is to explore how those viewers interpreted campaign publicity on insecurity/crime during the presidential election of 2015 and to reflect on their role in the processes of political mediatization. Analyzing six focal groups, we were able to conclude that: i. People experience worry about crime in the city and distrust not only the police but the legal system and political representatives; ii. They do not criticize the candidates' promises, but they can unveil the true or false intentions of election advertising; iii. They distinguish between election advertising aimed at an emotional response (false) and those more logical or rational (closer to the truth). ; Este artículo analiza la relación entre la ciudadanía con la publicidad electoral sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de Argentina en 2015. Durante este año, el crimen urbano fue una de las mayores preocupaciones del país al punto de que cuatro de los seis candidatos presidenciales produjeron spots específicos sobre el tópico. En este contexto, el artículo se pregunta: ¿Qué implicaba la inseguridad para los ciudadanos?, ¿acordaban con las promesas de campaña?, ¿cómo interpretaron los materiales audiovisuales sobre inseguridad? El objetivo es explorar cómo las denominadas audiencias electorales interpretaron las publicidades sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de 2015 y reflexionar sobre sobre su lugar en los procesos de mediatización política. La realización de seis grupos focales permitió concluir que las audiencias electorales: i. vivencian con preocupación la inseguridad en la ciudad, desconfían de la justicia, la policía y de sus representantes políticos; ii. no critican las promesas puntuales de los candidatos, sino que procuran develar las intenciones reales o engañosas de las publicidades electorales; iii. definen los fragmentos de publicidad electoral como construidos en clave emotiva (por tanto, falsos), o como lógicos y racionales (por tanto, cercanos a la verdad).