Suchergebnisse

Demokrasi kilidinin anahtarı pozisyonundaki seçimler, bireylerin geleceklerini inşa etmeye aday siyasi partiler arasından seçim yapmak suretiyle iktidarı belirlediği en etkin siyasi denetim aracıdır. Seçimlerin siyasal hayatı şekillendirmedeki rolü, seçimlere büyük ilgi gösterilmesine neden olmaktadır. Seçimler, geçmişte sadece siyasi iktidarı belirleme aracı olarak görülürken, günümüzde özellikle de 2000 Amerikan Başkanlık seçimleri ve sebep olduğu gelişmelerinde tesiriyle, siyaset kurumunun ve akademik dünyanın ilgi odağı haline gelmiştir. Demokratik olsun ya da olmasın, diktatörlükle yönetilen ülkeler hariç, dünyadaki bütün ülkelerde iktidarlar seçimle belirlenmektedir. Dünya ülkelerinin siyasal ve tarihsel olarak farklı tecrübelere sahip olmaları ve kendilerine has siyasal geleneklerinin varlığı farklı seçim sistemlerinin kabulüne de beraberinde getirmiştir. Bu farklılık, seçimlerin işleyişi faaliyetlerinde de değişik yöntemlerin ve modellerin benimsenmesine neden olmuştur. Seçmen tercihlerinin sandığa adil ve dürüst şekilde yansıdığı bir seçim gerçekleştirme arzusu, seçimlerin ülke genelinde iyi teşkilatlanmış, liyakat esasına göre belirlenmiş personelin istihdam edildiği, teknolojik alt yapıya sahip ve toplumsal itibarı ve intibaı yıpranmamış ve siyasi iktidarın müdahale alanından tamamen uzaklaştırılmış özerk ve kurumsal yapıları zorunlu kılmaktadır. Adil ve dürüst seçimlerin mümkün kılınabilmesi ancak seçimlerin yönetim ve denetiminden sorumlu kurum ve kurulların etkin yönetim ve denetim mekanizmaları ile donatılmış olmasıyla mümkün olabilecektir. Seçimlerin yönetimi ve denetimi faaliyetleri, ülkelerin benimsedikleri seçim yönetim ve denetim modellerinin farklılık göstermesi sebebiyle ülkeden ülkeye farklılık sergilemektedir. Bu farklılığa rağmen, bu modellerin hepsinin ortak amacı, seçmen iradesinin sandığa yansıması sürecini sağlıklı bir şekilde yönetmek ve sürece ilişkin yaşanabilecek hukuksuzluklara engel olmaktır. Bu anlamda bu kurum ve kurullara demokrasinin sürdürülebilirliğinin sağlanması adına çok önemli görevler düşmektedir. Söz konusu kurum ve kurulların gösterecekleri olumlu performans seçim sürecinin adil ve dürüst bir şekilde yürütülmesi ve sonuçlandırılmasının teminatını oluşturacaktır. Türkiye'de seçim teşkilatı ile seçimlerin işleyişinin karşılaştırmalı hukuk perspektifinden tüm yönleriyle ele alındığı bu çalışmanın amacı; ülkemiz açısından daha etkin bir seçim yönetim ve denetim mekanizmasının hayata geçirilebilmesi için uygulayıcılara karşılaştırmalı hukuk pratikleri perspektifinden bir model önerisi sunmaktır. ; Elections, which are the key to democracy, are the most effective means for political supervision in which individuals make choices from among political parties, which compete to build their lives. The role of elections in shaping political life causes them to be paid enormous attention. In the past, elections were regarded as a means to determine the political power only, but today, especially under the influence of the 2000 American presidential elections and the developments it led to, they have become the center of attention for politics and academic World. Whether they are democratic or not, governments are determined through elections all over the world except for countries that are governed by dictatorships. The fact that countries of the world have different political and historical experiences and have their own unique political traditions have caused different elections systems to be adopted. This difference in turn has caused different methods and models to be adopted in the activities conducted during the implementation of elections. The desire to hold an election where voters' choices are reflected fairly and honestly in the ballot boxes requires autonomous and organizational structures that are well-organized, where personnel determined on the basis of merit are employed, that possess the technological infrastructure, have an undamaged social prestige and image and are totally out of reach of the interference of the party in power. Fair and honest elections will be possible only when institutions and boards that are responsible for the management and supervision of elections are equipped with effective managerial and supervisory mechanisms. Activities aimed at managing and supervising elections exhibit variations because the election management and supervision models which countries adopt change from country to country. In spite of this difference, he common goal of all these models is to manage the process of transferring voters' will to the polls properly and prevent injustices that might arise in the process. In this sense, these institutions and committees have very serious tasks and obligations in ensuring sustainability of democracy. Positive performance that will be displayed by the said institutions and committees will guarantee that the election process will take place and be completed fairly and honestly. The purpose of this study, in which election organization and election mechanisms have been handled in all aspects from the perspective of comparative law, is to propose a model to implementers from the perspective of comparative law practices in order to put into a practice a more effective election management and supervision mechanism.

With California's Proposition 187 in 1994 as the backdrop for the relationship between Latinos and the Republican Party, this article explores the impact that the 2012 Presidential Election had on Latinos and the growing influence of Latinos in American Politics. I look at the historical roots of the relationship between the GOP and Latinos and the short road that brought us to the apogee of anti-Latino rhetoric throughout the 2012 Presidential Election and the GOP primary elections. I discuss whether or not the immigration issue has formed a structural barrier to the GOP's relationship Latinos. Next, this article looks at the outreach effort by the GOP, in particular the missteps and miscommunication between Republican Latino organizations and the Romney campaign. Last, I look at the results of the election and discuss what this could mean for the future of Latino politics and for the country. I also briefly look at the structural features of our electoral system that is hampering the GOPs ability to reach out to Latinos. I conclude with a short discussion on what the GOP can do to change this and how the Democrats should consider responding. ; Con la Proposición 187 de California en 1994 como telón de fondo de la relación entre los latinos y el Partido Republicano, este artículo explora el impacto que la elección presidencial de 2012 tuvo sobre los latinos y la creciente influencia de los latinos en la política estadounidense. Miro a las raíces históricas de la relación entre el Partido Republicano y los latinos y el camino corto que nos trajo al auge de la retórica anti-latina en las elecciones presidenciales de 2012 y las elecciones primarias del Partido Republicano. Discuto si el tema de la inmigración se ha formado una barrera estructural para los latinos la relación del Partido Republicano. A continuación, este artículo analiza el esfuerzo de divulgación por el Partido Republicano, en particular, los errores y falta de comunicación entre las organizaciones de latinos republicanos y la campaña de Romney. ...

The article focuses on problems of constitutional regulation of elections and requirements for candidates for representative positions in a democratic society. The issue of financing elections and solutions for this problem were considered, taking into account the "financial" qualification that was set at the legislative level in many democratic states of the world. The terminology that is present in the constitutional legal science concerning the regulation of elections is analyzed, the stages in the election process are considered and the main problems that occur during this process are revealed. In the course of the study of the topic, the author concludes on the need for financial control and monitoring of expenditures from the state budget during the electoral process, not only to detect a violation of legislation or to identify financial crimes, but also to determine the profitability of the electoral process as a whole, for its reformation and to reduce budget expenses during the elections. Also, the author comes to the conclusion that it is necessary to bring the financial qualification to the financial capability of all citizens of the state for each subsequent election, proceeding from the official minimum and average salaries.

03:06:08 horas ; Cubrimiento especial que realizó la alianza de medios de la UNAB sobre estas elecciones regionales. #Elecciones2019 #JóvenesEligen Alianza de medios de la Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga. Periódico 15, Unab Radio, Soy Autónomo y UNABTV. ; Coverage of the elections of the representatives to the curricular committees of academic programs, councils of faculties, Academic Council and Board of Directors of the Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga 2019. Special coverage made by the UNAB media alliance on these regional elections. # Elecciones2019 # JóvenesEligen . Media Alliance of the Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga. Newspaper 15, Unab Radio, Soy Autónomo and UNABTV. "

The aim of the article is to determine the effect of the exclusion of the 'solo-mobile' population on the accuracy of electoral predictions conducted with telephone surveys in Spain. To this end, data from the 2012 Andalusian regional elections are analysed, in which all pre-election polls failed to predict. In line with similar international research, the data also show that the lack of coverage is very structured around important socio-demographic variables which suggest that this problem could be biased in measuring other topics of interest to social and political research in our country. ; This article analyses the effects that excluding the Cell Phone-only Population (CPO) has on the accuracy of pre-election telephone surveys in Spain. The data were taken from the 2012 Andalusia Regional Election, where all poll-based forecasts failed. Our results show how using only landlines contributed to significant biases in voting estimates, where votes for the right-wing party (PP) were overestimated and votes for the left-wing parties (PSOE and IU) were underestimated. Moreover, and consistently with similar studies carried out in other countries, our analysis shows how under-coverage is clearly structured along important socio-demographic variables. This means that under-coverage could be causing bias in the measurements of other subjects that are important for social and political research in Spain. ; The aim of the article is to determine the effect of the exclusion of the 'solo-mobile' population on the accuracy of electoral predictions conducted with telephone surveys in Spain. To this end, data from the 2012 Andalusian regional elections are analysed, in which all pre-election polls failed to predict. In line with similar international research, the data also show that the lack of coverage is very structured around important socio-demographic variables which suggest that this problem could be biased in measuring other topics of interest to social and political research in our country. ; El objetivo del ...

This work analyzes the behavior of the Mexican radio during the elections in July 2000. It also revises the role of the radio as a field for political discussion, and studies the way this issue was handled. At last, it revises the possible impact of new factors in the Mexican radio, in order to obtain an independent treatment of political information. ; En este trabajo se analiza el comportamiento de la radio en México ante la contienda electoral de julio de 2000. Se examina el papel de la radio como espacio para la discusión política, así como el tratamiento informativo que hizo del tema. Asimismo, se analiza la posible repercusión de factores de reciente surgimiento en el panorama radiofónico para un manejo más autónomo de la información política en la radio.

Demokratik sistemlerde seçimin önemi ve yeri tartışılmaz bir gerçektir. Seçimler ile halk kendisini yönetecek kişileri seçmektedir. Seçim yarışına giren adaylar herhangi bir siyasi partinin adayı ya da bağımsız aday olabilirler. 13 Mart 2018 tarihinde yapılan yasa değişikliğine kadar yapılan bütün seçimlerde siyasi partilerin seçim sürecinde yasa gereği ittifak yapmaları yasaktı. Yapılan yasa değişikliğiyle seçim ittifaklarının önündeki engeller kaldırılarak, siyasi partilerin seçimlerden önce ittifak yapmalarının önü açılmıştır. Dolayısıyla seçim ittifakları seçim sonuçlarını etkileyen önemli bir unsur haline gelmiştir. Seçim ittifakı birden fazla partinin seçimlerden önce veya seçim sırasında kalıcı ya da geçici güç, iş ya da eylem birliği yapması şeklinde tanımlanmaktadır. Seçim ittifaklarının seçim öncesi ittifaklar ve seçim sonrası ittifaklar türlerinin dünyada birçok örneği bulunmaktadır. Ülkemizde ise resmi olarak seçim ittifaklarıyla ilk kez 24 Haziran 2018 seçimlerinde karşılaşılmıştır. Yasa değişikliği sonrasında Türkiye'de yapılan seçimlerde ittifakların seçim sonuçlarına olan etkisi bu çalışmada kapsamlı bir şekilde ele alınmıştır. Bu çalışma ile seçim ittifaklarının bölgeler ve iller bazında siyasi partilerin oy dağılımı üzerinde önemli bir etkisinin olduğu belirlenmiştir. Seçim ittifakının, oy oranı yüksek olan AK Parti ve CHP gibi siyasi partiler üzerindeki etkisinin daha düşük olduğu; baraj altında kalan İYİ Parti, SP ve BBP ve oy oranı düşük olan MHP gibi siyasi partiler üzerinde ise olumlu etkisinin daha fazla olduğu görülmüştür. Bu durum küçük partilere siyasi çizgilerine yakın olan ve baraj sorunu olmayan partiler ile pazarlık masasına oturma fırsatını sunmaktadır. HDP ise ittifaklardan bağımsız olarak girdiği son seçimlerde önceki seçimlere göre oy sayısını arttırmıştır. Ayrıca seçim ittifakları tüm siyasi partilere mecliste temsil edilme fırsatını da sunmaktadır. Seçim ittifakları Türk siyaset tarihine katkı sağlayarak siyasi partiler arasında yaşanan oy geçişlerini kolaylaştırmaktadır. Sonuç olarak siyasi partiler olanaklarını ve güçlerini bir araya getirerek yalnız başlarına ulaşamayacakları siyasi hedeflerine seçim ittifakları ile ulaşma şansı yakalamıştır. Seçim ittifakları hükümetlerin kurulmasında, meclisteki sandalye sayısının belirlenmesinde ve diğer siyasi süreçlerde siyasi partilerin aktif olmalarına olanak sağlamaktadır. Türkiye'nin kozmopolitik nüfus yapısı göz önünde bulundurulduğunda farklı siyasi partilerin ve bu partileri destekleyen farklı kitlelerin olduğu söylenebilir. Dolayısıyla seçim ittifakları farklı etnik yapıda ve inançtaki siyasal görüşlerin bir araya gelmesine de imkân sağlamıştır. Seçimlere katılım oranı 2015 yılında .6 iken, 2018 yılında ise .37 olarak gerçekleşmiştir. Seçimlere katılım oranında %0.77 birimlik artış, ittifaklara dâhil olan küçük siyasi partilerin mecliste temsil edilme şansının olacağı ümidiyle söz konusu partilerin seçmenlerinin sandığa gitmelerinden kaynaklanmaktadır. Dolayısıyla seçim ittifakları ülkemizde seçimlere katılım noktasında da önemli katkı sağlamıştır. Anahtar Sözcükler: Seçim İttifakı, Siyasi Partiler, İstatistiksel Analiz ; In democratic systems, the importance and place of election is an indisputable fact. With the elections, the people choose the people who will manage itself. Candidates entering the election race can enter to the elections as candidates for any political party or as independent candidates. Till the elections held until March 13, 2018, political parties were forbidden to make alliances in the election process, but with the amendment made on this date, the obstacle to the election alliance was removed and the way for political parties to make alliances before the elections was opened. So, the election alliances have been an important issue affecting the election results. The election alliance is defined as the fact that more than one party cooperates with permanent or temporary power, work or action before or during elections. There are many examples of the election alliances in the world, before and after the election. In Turkey, official election alliances were applied in the June 24, 2018 elections, the first time. In the elections after the amendment of the law, the effect of the alliances on the election results is comprehensively discussed in this study. By the study, it was determined that the election alliances had a significant effect on the distribution of votes of political parties on the basis of regions and provinces. HDP increased the number of votes compared to previous elections in the last elections it entered independently from alliances. It was observed that the election alliance had a lower impact on political parties such as the AK Party and the CHP which had a high voting rates, and had a positive effect on the political parties such as the IYI Party, the SP and the BBP that under the election threshold and the MHP with a low voting rate. This gives small parties the opportunity to sit at the bargaining table with parties that are close to their political lines and have no election threshold problems Election alliances also offer to all political parties the opportunity to be represented in parliament. Election alliances contribute to the history of Turkish politics and facilitate voting transitions among political parties. As a result, by bringing together the possibilities and powers, political parties have the chance to reach their political goals, which they could not reach alone, through election alliances. Election alliances enable political parties to be active in establishing governments, determining the number of seats in parliament, and other political processes. It can be said that there are different political parties and different fans who support these parties, when considering Turkey's cosmopolitan population structure. Therefore, the election alliances also allow to come together political views which different ethnicities and beliefs. While the rate of participation in the elections was 86.6% in 2015, it was 87.37% in 2018. The 0.77% increase in the participation rate is due to the small political parties' voters going to the polls. Because with the participation of these parties in the alliances, also the hope of party fans to be represented in the parliament will increase. Thus, electoral alliances have provided important contributions also to participation in the elections in Turkey. Key Words: Election Alliance, Political Parties, Statistical Analyses

This article analyses the relations between citizens and the electoral campaign regarding insecurity/lack of public safety during the presidential election of 2015. Crime was one of the major concerns of the country that year, so much so that four of the six candidates produced specific election advertising spots on the subject. Within this context, the article asks: What does insecurity mean for citizens? Do they support the promises of the campaign? How do they interpret audio-visual materials about insecurity? The aim is to explore how those viewers interpreted campaign publicity on insecurity/crime during the presidential election of 2015 and to reflect on their role in the processes of political mediatization. Analyzing six focal groups, we were able to conclude that: i. People experience worry about crime in the city and distrust not only the police but the legal system and political representatives; ii. They do not criticize the candidates' promises, but they can unveil the true or false intentions of election advertising; iii. They distinguish between election advertising aimed at an emotional response (false) and those more logical or rational (closer to the truth). ; Este artículo analiza la relación entre la ciudadanía con la publicidad electoral sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de Argentina en 2015. Durante este año, el crimen urbano fue una de las mayores preocupaciones del país al punto de que cuatro de los seis candidatos presidenciales produjeron spots específicos sobre el tópico. En este contexto, el artículo se pregunta: ¿Qué implicaba la inseguridad para los ciudadanos?, ¿acordaban con las promesas de campaña?, ¿cómo interpretaron los materiales audiovisuales sobre inseguridad? El objetivo es explorar cómo las denominadas audiencias electorales interpretaron las publicidades sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de 2015 y reflexionar sobre sobre su lugar en los procesos de mediatización política. La realización de seis grupos focales permitió concluir que las audiencias electorales: i. vivencian con preocupación la inseguridad en la ciudad, desconfían de la justicia, la policía y de sus representantes políticos; ii. no critican las promesas puntuales de los candidatos, sino que procuran develar las intenciones reales o engañosas de las publicidades electorales; iii. definen los fragmentos de publicidad electoral como construidos en clave emotiva (por tanto, falsos), o como lógicos y racionales (por tanto, cercanos a la verdad).

This article analyses the relations between citizens and the electoral campaign regarding insecurity/lack of public safety during the presidential election of 2015. Crime was one of the major concerns of the country that year, so much so that four of the six candidates produced specific election advertising spots on the subject. Within this context, the article asks: What does insecurity mean for citizens? Do they support the promises of the campaign? How do they interpret audio-visual materials about insecurity? The aim is to explore how those viewers interpreted campaign publicity on insecurity/crime during the presidential election of 2015 and to reflect on their role in the processes of political mediatization. Analyzing six focal groups, we were able to conclude that: i. People experience worry about crime in the city and distrust not only the police but the legal system and political representatives; ii. They do not criticize the candidates' promises, but they can unveil the true or false intentions of election advertising; iii. They distinguish between election advertising aimed at an emotional response (false) and those more logical or rational (closer to the truth). ; Este artículo analiza la relación entre la ciudadanía con la publicidad electoral sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de Argentina en 2015. Durante este año, el crimen urbano fue una de las mayores preocupaciones del país al punto de que cuatro de los seis candidatos presidenciales produjeron spots específicos sobre el tópico. En este contexto, el artículo se pregunta: ¿Qué implicaba la inseguridad para los ciudadanos?, ¿acordaban con las promesas de campaña?, ¿cómo interpretaron los materiales audiovisuales sobre inseguridad? El objetivo es explorar cómo las denominadas audiencias electorales interpretaron las publicidades sobre inseguridad en la elección presidencial de 2015 y reflexionar sobre sobre su lugar en los procesos de mediatización política. La realización de seis grupos focales permitió concluir que las audiencias electorales: i. vivencian con preocupación la inseguridad en la ciudad, desconfían de la justicia, la policía y de sus representantes políticos; ii. no critican las promesas puntuales de los candidatos, sino que procuran develar las intenciones reales o engañosas de las publicidades electorales; iii. definen los fragmentos de publicidad electoral como construidos en clave emotiva (por tanto, falsos), o como lógicos y racionales (por tanto, cercanos a la verdad).

The COVID-19 pandemic poses new challenges, as no one can propresa will burst a new wave of morbidity. It is therefore worth thinking about the implementation of the electronic voting procedure. In view of this, it is important to explore the role of electronic technology in local elections, share it with the experience of several countries, as well as as analyse new opportunities for the transformation of the electoral process. The aim of the work is to study the role of electronic technologies during local elections. The subject of research is electronic technologies during local elections and social relationships that arise, change and end during the use of electronic processes during local elections. The research methodology combined a set of philosophical, general, and special approaches to scientific knowledge. A study of electronic technologies in local elections has shown that electronic technologies play an important role in electoral processes. It is concluded that, under modern conditions, it is important for Ukraine to support the electoral process with the latest electronic technologies, because these technologies, if used correctly, ensuring election democracy and greater the efficiency of democracy institutions represents.

Desde el año 1992 se viene aplicando en Venezuela un sistema electoral inspirado en el modelo alemán con el que se ha buscado armonizar los principios de personalización del sufragio y de representación proporcional. En forma paradójica, desde que en 1999 entró en vigencia una nueva Constitución en la que expresamente se establece que tanto la ley como los órganos del Poder Electoral deben garantizar la aplicación de esos mismos principios, se ha iniciado una evolución que ha tenido como resultado una gran disparidad entre los votos que obtienen las organizaciones políticas y el número de escaños que se les asignan y que ha impulsado a los electores a votar sin saber quién es la persona que debe representarlos. En agosto de 2009 la Asamblea Nacional sancionó una ley orgánica sobre los procesos electorales que debe aplicarse por primera vez en las elecciones parlamentarias de septiembre de este año, en la que se cambia sustancialmente el sistema electoral vigente desde 1992, se acentúan las tendencias a una marcada desproporción entre los votos que obtienen las organizaciones políticas y los puestos que se les adjudican, se permite la introducción de elementos ajenos a nuestra tradición política como el "gerrymandering" y se hace más distante la relación entre electores y elegidos. ; Since 1992 it has been applied in Venezuela an election system inspired in the German model, trying to harmonize the principles of personalization of suffrage and proportional representation. Paradoxically, from 1999, when a new Constitution was enforced which established expressly that both the act and the organs of the Electoral Power should guarantee the application of those very principles, it has evolved towards a greater disparity between the votes the political organizations get and the number of seats assigned to them, which has driven the electors to cast their vote without knowing who would represent them. The National Assembly, in August 2009, sanctioned an organic law about election processes that will be applied for first time in September 2009 parliamentary elections, in which the election system, inforce since 1992, is changed substantially, stressing the tendency towards a marked disproportion between the votes got by the political organizations and the seats assigned to them, allowing the introduction of elements foreign to our political tradition, such as the "gerrymandering", and becoming more distant the relationship between the electors and their elected representatives. ; 127-154 ; rachadell.manuel@gmail.com ; semestral